Being in Parentheses

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandrine Sanos

AbstractDiane Kurys is known in French cinema for her popular, seemingly apolitical and “sentimental” films. Kurys's early films, however, chart a mode of historical consciousness, memory, and temporality that alerts us to both the origins and afterlives of May ’68. In the widely celebrated 1977 Diabolo menthe, set in 1963 just after the end of the Franco-Algerian War, and the 1980 commercial and critical flop Cocktail Molotov, which took May ’68 as its subject, Kurys fictionalizes a meditation on the ways gender, sex, and Jewishness have been at the heart of these events' politics for her. Through the figure of the jeune fille at the heart of her films, Kurys traces an ambivalent memory linking the specters of the Franco-Algerian war to those of World War II to map an ambivalent and gendered post-Holocaust French Jewish identity. For Kurys, finding meaning in May ’68 means revealing how only sex constitutes a politics that can rearrange the ordering of bodies in a community.Si les films de Diane Kurys sont connus du grand public, son cinéma est généralement absent du champ des représentations et des mémoires de Mai 68. Pourtant, ses premiers films sont l'occasion pour elle d'imaginer un rapport au passé mettant en lumière les origines et héritages de « l'événement Mai 68 ». Avec Diabolo Menthe (1977) qui met en scène la vie de l'adolescente Anne en 1963 et Cocktail Molotov (1980) où la même Anne connaît l'émancipation à l'orée de Mai 68, Kurys fait émerger une vision de l'histoire en marge : dans ces marges et ces débordements se mêlent les après‐coups de la guerre d'Algérie, les échos d'un monde inquiet et d'une identité juive après la Shoah. L'imaginaire de Kurys ne propose cependant aucune radicalité politique. Trouver du sens à Mai 68 pour Kurys, c'est d'abord se préoccuper de la manière dont la sexualité est la seule politique qui puisse réagencer l'ordre des corps dans la communauté.

Author(s):  
Natal’ya R. Zholudeva ◽  
◽  
Sergey A. Vasyutin

The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.


2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Métraux

When introducing a collection of essays on Yiddish, Joseph Sherman asserted, among other things, that: Although the Nazi Holocaust effectively destroyed Yiddish together with the Jews of Eastern Europe for whom it was a lingua franca, the Yiddish language, its literature and culture have proven remarkably resilient. Against all odds, Yiddish has survived to become a focus of serious intellectual, artistic and scholarly activity in the sixty-odd years that have passed since the end of World War II. From linguistic and literary research in the leading universities of the world to the dedicated creativity of contemporary novelists and poets in Israel and America, from the adaptation of Yiddish words and phrases to the uses of daily newspapers in English to the elevation of Yiddish as a new loshn koydesh by Hasidic sects, from the publication of new writing to the translation of its established canonical works into modern European languages, Yiddish is continually reminding the world of its vibrancy, relevance and importance as a marker of Jewish identity and survival. (Sherman 2004, 9)


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mani Sharpe

In a recent monograph, Todd Shepard has implored us to examine the ways in ‘which the Algerian War modified the form and the content of debates surrounding contemporary sexuality in France’, from the nationalist revolution spearheaded by the FLN in Algeria, to the sexual paradigm shift of May ’68 (2017: 21). An important injunction, undoubtedly. But also an injunction that, as I will show, could also be inverted to examine how, in the world of cinema, the radicalization of identity politics catalysed by decolonization found itself similarly distorted by a tendency among male directors to imagine the war through the lens of their own androcentric preoccupations, fantasies and anxieties: anxieties that, in the case of Jacques Rivette’s Paris nous appartient (1961), Louis Malle’s Le Feu Follet (1963), and Jacques Dupont’s Les Distractions (1960), ricochet erratically between masochistic and misogynistic tales of impotence and carnal retribution; anxieties that subtly twist the dynamics of the decolonial debate into strange shapes, places and meanings.


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Philipp Lutz

German political culture has been undergoing gradual but significant changes since unification. Military engagements in combat missions, the introduction of a professional army, and a remarkable loss of recent historical knowledge mostly within the younger generations are hallmarks of the new millennium. Extensive education about the Holocaust is still prevalent and there is a strong continuity of attitudes and orientations toward the Nazi era and the Holocaust reaching back to the 1980s. Nevertheless, a lack of knowledge about history-not only the World War II period, but also about East and West Germany-in the age group of people under thirty is staggering. The fading away of the generation of victims who are the last ones to tell the story of persecution during the Holocaust and a parallel rise of new actors and technologies, present challenges to the educational system and the current political culture of Germany.


Paragrana ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-85
Author(s):  
Hisako Omori

Abstract Across Canada, people commemorate the lives of fallen soldiers by wearing red poppy flower pins for Remembrance Day on November 11. In recent years, Canadians have increasingly taken pride in the symbols used in Remembrance Day, such as poppy flowers and a poem called In Flanders Fields. The day celebrates the notions of sacrifice, belonging, and the nation state of Canada. Japanese Canadians also celebrate this holiday by wearing poppies and remembering the war dead. World War II, however, marked a turning point for the lives of second generation Japanese Canadians. The majority of them were interned in the “relocation camps” during the war years as “enemy aliens” irrespective of their Canadian citizenship status. This paper will describe a present-day Remembrance Day service held in a Japanese Canadian Christian congregation in Ontario, in which its veterans are remembered. The article argues that this ritual of remembrance reverses the historical and social location of Japanese Canadians from those who were the victims of the war to those who were contributors to it, enabling Japanese Canadians to assert their rightful position in Canadian society. This paper also includes a discussion of the author’s personal transformation of historical consciousness about World War II and being Japanese in Canada during this research.


2019 ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers

This chapter covers the years between the start of World War II and the end of the Algerian War (1939–1962). The German defeat of France, wartime privations, infighting between Petainists and Gaullists, and the Allied invasion of North Africa diminished the image of the colonizer. The French repressed Algerian nationalism, but this only bought time. During the Algerian War, the Europeans set aside old left-right differences in uniting politically. Their relations with the Muslim population became not only more poisoned but also overlaid with fresh fears, resentments, and stereotypes. Algerian independence transformed the settlers into losers of decolonization and the Fifth Republic.


2016 ◽  
pp. 79-103
Author(s):  
Izabela Olszewska ◽  
Aleksandra Twardowska

Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish as Determinants of Identity: As Illustrated in the Jewish Press of the First Half of the Twentieth CenturyThe paper shows an image and functions of Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish languages among Jewish Diaspora groups – the Balkan Sephardim and the Ashkenazim (the Ostjuden group) – in the period from the beginning of the twentieth century until the outbreak of World War II. The study is based on the articles from Jewish weeklies, magazines and newspapers from pre-war Bosnia and Hercegovina and from Germany/Poland. It demonstrates a double-sided attitude towards the languages. On the one hand – an image of the languages as determinants of Jewish identity. Touching on this theme, the authors of the paper also try to highlight the images of Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish and as determinants in a narrower sense – of the Sephardi/Ashkenazi identity in that period. On the other hand, the paper shows a tendency to treat the languages as “corrupted” and “dying” languages, and as factors slowing down the assimilation of Jewish groups and also as an obstacle for Zionist ideologies. Języki jidysz i żydowsko-hiszpański jako wskaźniki tożsamości – na przykładzie żydowskich tekstów prasowych pierwszej połowy XX wiekuArtykuł ukazuje obraz i funkcje języków jidysz i żydowsko-hiszpańskiego wśród żydowskich grup diasporowych – bałkańskich Sefardyjczyków oraz Aszkenazyjczyków (Ostjuden) – w okresie od początków wieku XX do wybuchu II wojny światowej. Opis oparty jest na artykułach z żydowskich magazynów, tygodników, prasy codziennej z przedwojennej Bośni i Hercegowiny oraz Niemiec/Polski. Ukazany jest ambiwalentny stosunek wobec języków. Z jednej strony – obraz języków jako wskaźników żydowskiej tożsamości, jak również obraz jidysz i żydowsko-hiszpańskiego jako wskaźników tożsamości w węższym ujęciu: tożsamości sefardyjskiej/aszkenazyjskiej w omawianym okresie. Z drugiej strony zaś – artykuł zwraca uwagę także na to, że oba języki były traktowane jako „zepsute”, „umierające” i stanowiące czynniki spowalniające asymilację grup żydowskich oraz przeszkodę dla idei syjonistycznych.


Author(s):  
Natalia NAROCHNITSKAYA

The evolution of the historical consciousness of Russian society over two centuries shows its potential to play a destructive or a saving role in dramatic moments of history, when out the prime value of the national statehood continuum is challenged by outer or inner attacks. The Russian intelligentsia's maximalist “reception” of Marxism resulted into total nihilism and a zeal to sacrifice the statehood for the sake of world revolution. However, having started in 1917 with a radical overthrow of Russian history, the authorities reincorporated it into the Soviet doctrine on the eve of the World War II, which resurrected national feeling and unity and enabled victory in the mortal fight. New ideological but equally nihilistic maxims once again prevailed and lead inter alia to the second collapse of the state in 1991. Historical consciousness of contemporary society, especially of young generations, is particularly prone to rapid changes and alternative extremes in the era of information technologies, which confirms the crucial importance of historical education to maintain spiritual sovereignty and national conscience as its core.


Author(s):  
Rachel Kranson

This chapter details the widespread communal discomfort surrounding the religious practices of upwardly-mobile American Jews in the decades after World War II, paying particular attention to how Congregation Solel – a suburban synagogue whose members considered themselves to be particularly intellectual, politically-oriented, and critical of the American middle-class -- responded to these concerns. While most postwar American synagogues did not follow Solel in steeling themselves against the normative patterns of middle-class Jewish congregational life, the anxieties articulated by the members of Solel reverberated widely among postwar Jews and especially among the rabbinic leadership. Long-accustomed to thinking of social exclusion and economic need as integral components of a genuine Jewish identity, postwar rabbis did not necessarily feel comfortable with an emergent American Judaism that reflected acceptance and affluence.


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