scholarly journals Brute New World: The Rediscovery of Latin America in the Early Nineteenth Century

1995 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-279
Author(s):  
John C. Chasteen
1973 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Lofstrom

It is axiomatic, but certainly deserving of periodic repetition, that the long-term configuration of political, social and economic institutions in Iberian America has been determined both by the apparatus, operation and rationale of the metropolitan state, as well as by the premises and patterns of colonization. Equally apparent is the premise that the politico-administrative crisis associated with the achievement of independence in early nineteenth-century Latin America must be studied in the light of this ‘set’ of New World institutions, and particularly in relation to what Richard Morse calls the Spanish patrimonial state.


2008 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin A. Fitz

A new order for the New World was unfolding in the early nineteenth century, or so many in the United States believed. Between 1808 and 1825, all of Portuguese America and nearly all of Spanish America broke away from Europe, casting off Old World monarchs and inaugurating home-grown governments instead. People throughout the United States looked on with excitement, as the new order seemed at once to vindicate their own revolution as well as offer new possibilities for future progress. Free from obsolete European alliances, they hoped, the entire hemisphere could now rally together around republican government and commercial reciprocity. Statesmen and politicians were no exception, as men from Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe to John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay tried to exclude European influence from the hemisphere while securing new markets for American manufactures and agricultural surplus.


Axis Mundi ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Adam Stewart

Some scholars claim that in the new century Pentecostalism will adapt to modernity thereby continuing its growth across many cultures and societies. By comparing the appeal of Pentecostalism in its original manifestation during the early nineteenth century in America with the appeal of its most vibrant contemporary expression in Latin America, one can ask whether Pentecostalism has widened its appeal to include a Postindustrial audience. It is concluded that Pentecostalism will not adapt to modernity, because it remains a movement against modernity. Pentecostalism’s appeal lies in its ability to provide a theodicy utilized by those who oppose the infringement of modern ideology upon their own ways of life, namely the working poor and conservative traditionalists.  


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 669-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Foyster

AbstractThis article argues that in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century England, changes in the perceived value of children, both materially and emotionally, put them in a new position of possible danger. The valorization of childhood brought new risks to children. Children were thought to be vulnerable to child abduction, or “child stealing,” as contemporaries termed it. Between 1790 and 1849, 108 cases of child abduction were tried at the Old Bailey and then recorded in its Proceedings or heard before magistrates in London's police courts and at county sessions courts and subsequently reported in newspapers. These cases, along with fictional accounts of child abduction, give insights into what were considered the most common motives for this crime. While some child abductors were motivated by poverty and saw children's clothes as economic assets that could be sold, others were driven by a desire to assume a mother role and represented stolen children as their own. Popular interest in abduction stories was sustained while contemporaries shared common fears about the loss of children and the limitations of adults to protect children from harm.


Author(s):  
James Lockhart

This chapter assesses Chile's emergence as a modern nation in the early nineteenth century. It describes its evolution into an influential power in southern South America, aligned with liberals in Latin America, the United States, and Europe in at the end of that century. It introduces Chileans as internationalists involved in the construction of modern Latin America and the inter-American and transatlantic communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-152
Author(s):  
Frida Osorio Gonsen

The Atlantic constitution-making processes, including the ones undertaken in Latin America in the early nineteenth century, were marked by the quest for a balanced state power that would allow State unity. This article focuses mainly on the efforts of Mexican constitutionalists to define an institutional framework that would avoid the fragmentation of the political structure of the State. I discuss how they introduced an important institutional innovation: the Supreme Conservative Power (Supremo Poder Conservador), a neutral third-party mechanism, to manage conflicts between the three branches of government. This is the only case in the Hispanic world where a mechanism of this kind was established in a republican regime. The aim of this article is to gauge the breadth and limitations of this mechanism. Los procesos constituyentes derivados de las revoluciones Atlánticas, incluyendo aquellos que se llevaron a cabo en América Latina, estuvieron marcados por la búsqueda de un diseño constitucional que garantizara a la vez el equilibrio entre los tres órganos de gobierno y la unidad del poder del Estado. Este artículo analiza los esfuerzos realizados en México para elaborar un diseño constitucional que evitara la fragmentación de la estructura política del Estado mexicano. Se concentra en el estudio de un innovador dispositivo constitucional: el Supremo Poder Conservador, que fungió como tercera parte neutral y cuya finalidad fue mediar en un eventual conflicto entre los tres poderes del Estado. La importancia del Supremo Poder Conservador consiste en el hecho de haber sido el único dispositivo de esta índole en el mundo Hispánico que fue establecido en un régimen republicano. El objetivo principal en este artículo es indagar los alcances y los límites de tal mecanismo.


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