scholarly journals The Meeting-Place of the First Ecumenical Council and the Church of the Holy Fathers at Nicaea

Author(s):  
Cyril MANGO
Author(s):  
Judith Herrin

This chapter analyzes the cultural heritage, the imperial precedents, and variety of visual models on which powerful Byzantine empresses could draw. In particular, it demonstrates that by the eighth and ninth centuries there were significant resources available that might permit imperial authority to adopt feminine forms. The reason for this chronological framework lies in the prominence of two empresses, Irene and Theodora, during the periods of iconoclasm (roughly calculated from 730 to 843). Both reversed bans imposed on the veneration of icons. Irene set a precedent by summoning the Seventh Ecumenical Council held in 787, which justified icons and restored them to a central position in the church, while Theodora is commemorated as a saint for her role in ending the second phase of iconoclasm in 843.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chifar Nicolae

On September 24, 787, the works of the VII Ecumenical Synod were opened in the ‘Saint Sophia’ Church in Nicaea, after the first attempt, on August 7, 786, had failed. Although the nominal presidency was held by the legates of Pope Adrian I, the effective presidency was exercised by Patriarch Tarasios of Constantinople. A skilful church diplomat, with experience, gained as an imperial secretary and a remarkable theologian whose authority was imposed even during his election as a patriarch amongst the laity, Tarasios meticulously and clairvoyantly prepared for the deployment of the Nicene synod. This is noticeable from the agreement made with the papal legates regarding the reading of the letters of Pope Adrian I whose content directly concerned the persona of the patriarch, agreeing to omit those compromising paragraphs, from the procedure of re-welcoming in the communion of the church of some former iconoclastic bishops, by correctly managing the resistance of the monks to whom he gave satisfaction regarding the patristic and traditional argumentation of the cult of the holy icons and by rejecting point-by-point the dogmatic decision of the iconoclastic synod of Hieria (754), a rejection of which the patriarch Tarasie is in all probability the author. Satisfied with the success of the synod, whose craftsman he indeed was, Patriarch Tarasios was able to communicate to both Pope Adrian I and the emperors and clergy of Constantinople that the unity of the Church residing in Christ had been restored and that the place in the church and due honour of the holy icons had been restored through the synodal decision of 302 participants. The success of the Seventh Ecumenical Council is unequivocally because of the tactful and competent preparation and management of Patriarch Tarasios.Contribution: The perspective we promote on the events highlighted in the study, could contribute to unblocking the theological dialogue between Orthodox and Catholics on the issue of papal primacy, the study thus promotes HTS as an important forum for mediating interfaith dialogue.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-137
Author(s):  
Герасим Дьячков

Следуя по пути, проторенному святыми отцами, «богословски философствуя», автор анализирует основные положения христологии секты «Свидетелей Иеговы», опровергая их истинами православного учения о Христе, сформулированного святыми отцами и выраженного в догмате IV Вселенского Собора. Для иеговистов, ложно мудрствующих о Христе, оказывается неприемлемой также тайна Святой Троицы, открывающаяся лишь в Церкви Христовой. Автор останавливается на защите православной триадологии от их нападок, подвергает богословко-филологическому анализу именование Бога «Иеговой». Для «Свидетелей Иеговы» Христос - не Бог, а человек - посредник между Богом и «свидетелями», то есть членами секты, в установлении теократического царства, прообразом которого было земное царство израильское. По сути проповедь иеговистов оказывается проповедью атеизма, ибо, по их учению, Бог не спасает, а спасение - только в человеке Иисусе. Христология иеговистов примитивна, их аргументы лишены богословской глубины, тем не менее, проблема защиты христологического догмата Халкидонского Собора от нападок иеговистов и всех отрицающих тайну Пресвятой Троицы и Боговоплощения актуальна во все времена, поскольку речь идет не только об опровержении их заблуждений, но, главным образом, об утверждении жизненно важного сотериологического тезиса: Бог вочеловечился, чтобы человек обожился. Following the path trodden by the holy fathers, “philosophizing theologically,” the author analyzes the main provisions of the Christology of the Jehovah's Witnesses sect, refuting them with the truths of the Orthodox teaching about Christ formulated by the holy fathers and expressed in the dogma of the IV Ecumenical Council. For Jehovah's Witnesses, who falsely speculate about Christ, the mystery of the Holy Trinity, which is revealed only in the Church of Christ, is also unacceptable. The author dwells on the defense of Orthodox triadology from their attacks, subjects the naming of God "Jehovah" to a theological and philological analysis. For Jehovah's Witnesses, Christ is not God, but man - the mediator between God and the “witnesses,” that is, members of the sect, in the establishment of the theocratic kingdom, the prototype of which was the earthly kingdom of Israel. In fact, the preaching of Jehovah's Witnesses turns out to be the preaching of atheism, for, according to their teaching, God does not save, and salvation is only in the man Jesus. The Christology of Jehovists is primitive, their arguments are devoid of theological depth, nevertheless, the problem of protecting the Christological dogma of the Council of Chalcedon from the attacks of Jehovists and all those who deny the mystery of the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation is relevant at all times, since it is not only about refuting their delusions, but mainly , on the statement of a vital soteriological thesis: God became human so that man might be deified.


Author(s):  
Михаил Асмус

Второй раздел статьи посвящён анализу образного мира Леонтия как одному из факторов, подтверждающих принадлежность текстов одному автору, а также выявляющих уровень риторической подготовки и мастерства проповедника. Анализ символических образов Леонтия (Церковь и Её священнодействия, Агнец Божий, Хлеб Небесный, царская власть Христа) демонстрирует, с одной стороны, его приверженность евхаристическому реализму и цельной экклезиологии, объединяющей тайносовершительную и социальную функции Церкви, с другой стороны - выявляет некоторую размытость границ между символом и передаваемой им реальностью, увлечение художественной завершённостью образа, которое иногда приводит проповедника к отступлению от отстаиваемых им же богословских положений. Сдержанность Леонтия в развитии идеи царской власти Христа по человечеству хорошо объясняется его дохалкидонским христологическим мышлением, а также тем, что проповедник находился под свежим впечатлением от ересей конца IV в. (Маркелл Анкирский) и их осуждения на II Вселенском Соборе. Последнее позволяет более уверенно датировать леонтиевский корпус концом IV - началом V в. Analysis of the symbolic images of Leontius (the Church and her sacraments, the Lamb of God, the Bread of Heaven, the royal power of Christ) demonstrates, on the one hand, Leontius’ commitment to Eucharistic realism and integral ecclesiology, uniting the sacramental and social functions of the Church, on the other hand, reveals some blurring of the boundaries between the symbol and the reality, and the fascination with the literary completeness of the image, which sometimes leads the preacher to deviate from the theological positions defended by him. The restraint of Leontius in the development of the idea of the royal power of Christ by His human nature is well explained by his pre-Chalcedonian Christology, as well as by the fact that the preacher was under a fresh impression of the heresies of the late 4th century (Marcellus of Anсyra) and their condemnation at the II Ecumenical Council. The latter makes it possible to more confidently date the Corpus Leontianum of the late 4th - early 5th centuries.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Gratsianskiy

Introduction. Despite multiple references and partial treatment of the proposed topic in scholarly literature, the necessity of its full-scaled analysis on the basis of the Acts of the Fourth Ecumenical Council held in Chalcedon in 451 still remains. Methods. The paper analyzes the entire published Acts and determines all relevant passages concerning the characteristics of the Pope’s pretensions to the universal primacy in the Church and the limits of their acceptability by the participants of the Council. Analysis. The author undertakes the research of the consequent sessions of the Council and analyzes relevant data comparing the declarations and claims of the papal legates and their actual perception by the imperial dignitaries, who were presiding over the Council, and the bishops. Results. The presented research demonstrates that Pope’s claims to the universal power within the Church were actually discarded by the Council and the representatives of the emperor in multiple ways. Firstly, the legates (vicarii) of the Pope were not trusted with the actual presidency over the Council (except in one session). Secondly, pope’s decisions, which had been taken before the Council and which the legates had been instructed to implement, were put under reexamination through the Council and were passed as conciliar decisions, often with no reference to the pope as their initiator. Thirdly, the Council didn’t accept certain elements of the pope’s title, which reflected his universal claims. In general, the Council of Chalcedon was the first to promote the principle of the primacy of honour that was bestowed on Rome and Constantinople equally.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Witold Wybult

Code of Canon Law promulgated by John Paul II gave the secular in church the possibility to take part in the service of managing, teaching and sanctifying. Canon 228 seems to be the most significant and fundamental code rule to apply the canonical mission. The first point informs: „Persons who are found suitable are qualified to be admitted by the sacred pastors to those ecclesiastical offices and functions which they are able to exercise according to the precepts of the law”. The following paragraph states: „Persons who excel in necessary knowledge, prudence, and integrity are qualified to assist the pastors of the Church as experts and advisors, even in councils according to the norm of law”. Code of Canon Law of 1983, which in a very synthetic way formalises the preparation for marriage, draws the attention to some significant pastoral elements and, which is important, leaves the initiative in all not specified matters to specific conferences of Bishops and ordinaries of place. Polish Episcopal Conference meeting the expectations of the teaching of the Second Ecumenical Council of the Vatican and code norms published „Family Pastoral Directory”, which became the legal foundation for the requirement of demanding the sanction of competent power for family life counsellors to serve in Church, which formally means having missio canonica. Polish dioceses respectively are developing the norms relative to the requirements set for family life counsellors during diocese synods or outside of them.


Slovene ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitri G. Polonski

The article focuses on a literary monument presenting Christological debates of the 5th century and the circumstances of the Fourth Ecumenical Council (the Council of Chalcedon), its sources, and the history of dissemination in the Slavic manuscript tradition. It introduces a list of forty-two East Slavic manuscripts of the 15‒17th centuries, including The Word on the Council of Chalcedon, a work on the history of Christianity and its dogmas. In thirty-nine of the manuscript copies, the literary monument serves as an introduction to the Slavic translation of Pope Leo the Great’s Tome to Archbishop Flavian of Constantinople (451), confirmed by the Fourth Ecumenical Council as an essential document of dogma. Judging by the provenance of the manuscript sources, in the 15‒17th centuries The Word on the Council of Chalcedon, along with the translation of Pope Leo’s Tome, were widely read and copied in the monasteries and churches of Moscow, Volok Lamsky, Pereyaslavl-Ryazansky, and Novgorod Veliky, as well as those of northern Russia. As its first researcher, O. M. Bodianskii, showed in 1848, the Slavic translation of the pope’s Tome was made from Greek by the monk Feodosii (“Theodosius the Greek”) in the 12th century. However, the attribution of The Word on the Council of Chalcedon to the same translator remains to be proved. The present work shows that the anonymous compiler of The Word on the Council of Chalcedon was well aware of the church history of the 5th century, remembering many historical details he would most probably have come across in Greek rather than in translated Slavic sources. On the other hand, several historical mistakes made by the compiler suggest that he lacked the texts necessary to verify the facts and had to rely on his memory, which occasionally failed him. Nevertheless, despite occasional factual errors and a compilative narrative structure, The Word on the Council of Chalcedon is in some ways more informative than many Byzantine chronicles.


2009 ◽  
pp. 27-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Predrag Komatina

By the end of the 8th century, after the expedition of 783 led by Staurakios the imperial forces began the reestablishing of the imperial control over those parts of the Peloponnesus which had previously been in the hands of independent Slavs for about 200 years. The result was the administrative reorganization of the whole of the peninsula. The administrative reorganization was followed by the ecclesiastical one. Thus, in the so-called Notitia 2, written after 805/806 and before the end of 814, we find an entirely new image of the ecclesiastical organization of that part of the Empire. Alongside the old Metropolis of Corinth, there are now two new metropolitan sees - that of Patras and that of Athens. The Metropolis of Patras was founded by the charter of the emperor Nikephoros I, between 1st november 805 and 25th february 806. But, the Church of Patras already existed even before that moment, as an autocephalous archbishopric, subordinated directly to the patriarchical throne of Constantinople, and its existence in that rank was attested as early as 787. The Metropolis of Athens was established sometime during that same period, in the reign of patriarch Tarasios, but after the Council of 787, so the date of its establishment could be placed between 787 and 806. Like the Church of Patras, the Church of Athens also had the rank of autocephalous archbishopric, subordinated directly to Constantinople, before it was elevated to the rank of metropolis. It is not certain when the Church of Athens received the rank of autocephalous archbishopric. What were reasons for the creation of these new metropolitan sees within the old province of the Metropolis of Corinth? The ancient Metropolis of Corinth was the ecclesiastical center of the ancient province of Achaia, which in the later Roman times covered all of the Peloponnesus and Central Greece. But, the province of Achaia existed no more and so the rights and claims of the See of Corinth lost their value. For during the two-century-long rule of the pagan Slavs in vast regions of the Peloponnesus, the ecclesiastical organization in these regions vanished, and the jurisdiction of the See of Corinth was limited only to those parts of the former province of Achaia which remained under imperial control (that is the lands east of the Corinth-Malea line). When the Slavs of the Peloponnesus were defeated and subdued, after 783, the process of their christianization began, but the territory once controlled by them was not placed under the jurisdiction of the See of Corinth. In that territory, the autocephalous archbishopric of Patras was established and subjugated directly to Constantinople. Later, after the emperor Nikephoros crushed the Slavic rebellion, he established an independent Metropolis of Patras, in 805/806 which jurisdiction exclusively covered all of the former Slav-controlled territory of the peninsula. The new theme of the Peloponnesus was created out of the old imperial possessions in the peninsula, cut off from the old theme of Hellas, joined by the newly gained territories of the former Slavic parts of the peninsula. The theme of Hellas was thus limited to the territory that lay north of the Corinthian Isthmus. As a result of the separation of the new theme of Peloponnesus from the old theme of Hellas, which left Corinth in the territory of the new theme, the new ecclesiastical authority was established for the territory which was left to the theme of Hellas, i.e. for the territory north of the Corinthian Isthmus - the Metropolis of Athens. That event occurred after the Ecumenical Council of 787 and before the death of patriarche Tarasios in 806. Thus, as a result of all these changes in the administrative and ecclesiastical framework, the entirely new image of the Peloponnesus and Central Greece appeared at the beginning of the 9th century. Old, now smaller, theme of Hellas got its new Metropolis of Athens. The old Metropolis of Corinth remained head of the new theme of Peloponnesus, and the new Metropolis of Patras was created for the Slavic part of the theme of Peloponnesus. New administrative division caused new ecclesiastical organization. It was not based on patterns of old, late Roman principles, nor they were revived, but it was that new conditions demanded new responses. The Empire found them, in the finest manner of Byzantine oikonomia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 77 (305) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Benedito Ferraro

Síntese: Pontuando um panorama de constantes movimentos de reforma e de conflitos no interior da Igreja de Jesus Cristo, com realce para o movimento da Reforma luterana, o Autor apresenta igualmente o movimento contrastante de unidade e comunhão na diversidade. Nos últimos tempos, particularmente após o Concílio Ecumênico Vaticano II, emerge e prevalece o movimento ecumênico, ou seja, a consciência de que a Igreja sempre se encontra em processo de novas formas, como também, e principalmente, de comunhão na diversidade a partir do comum seguimento de Jesus Cristo e da missão evangelizadora por ele confiada a seus seguidores. Por isso, advoga a continuidade e a consolidação do espírito ecumênico.Palavras-chave: Igreja católica. Reforma luterana. História. Conflitos. Ecumenismo.Abstract: Punctuating a panorama of constant movements of reform and conflicts inside the Church of Jesus Christ, with emphasis on the movement of the Lutheran Reform, the author introduces the equally contrasting movement of the unity and communion in the diversity. In recent times, particularly after the Vatican II Ecumenical Council, there emerges and prevails the ecumenical movement, that is, the consciousness that the Church always finds itself in the process of new forms, as well and mainly, in that of the communion in the diversity based on the common following of Jesus Christ and on the evangelizing mission given by Him to his followers. For this reason, it advocates the continuity and the consolidation of the ecumenical spirit.Keywords: Catholic Church. Lutheran Reform. History. Conflicts. Ecumenism.


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