Predictors of Access to Sex Education for Children With Intellectual Disabilities in Public Schools

2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy Barnard-Brak ◽  
Marcelo Schmidt ◽  
Steven Chesnut ◽  
Tianlan Wei ◽  
David Richman

Abstract Data from the National Longitudinal Transition Study—2 (SRI International, 2002) were analyzed to identify variables that predicted whether individuals with intellectual disability (ID) received sex education in public schools across the United States. Results suggested that individuals receiving special education services without ID were only slightly more likely to receive sex education than students with mild ID (47.5% and 44.1%, respectively), but the percentage of students with moderate to profound ID that received sex education was significantly lower (16.18%). Analysis of teacher opinions and perceptions of the likelihood of the students benefiting from sex education found that most teachers indicated that students without ID or with mild ID would benefit (60% and 68%, respectively), but the percentage dropped to 25% for students with moderate to profound ID. Finally, across all students, the only significant demographic variable that predicted receipt of sex education was more expressive communication skills. Results are discussed in terms of ensuring equal access to sex education for students with ID in public schools.

Author(s):  
David R. Johnson ◽  
Martha L. Thurlow ◽  
Yi-Chen Wu ◽  
Xueqin Qian ◽  
Ernest Davenport ◽  
...  

Abstract The purpose of this study was to use data from the United States' National Longitudinal Transition Study 2012 (NLTS 2012) to present descriptive information on youth and parent participation and youth's role in required Individualized Education Program (IEP)/transition planning meetings by disability category and age groupings (14-22 year olds, 14-15 year olds, and 16-22 year olds). The study found that youth and parent attendance in IEP/transition planning meetings was high across disability categories, but the extent to which youth and parents met with teachers to discuss transition goals was much lower. Data from NLTS 2012 and a previous U.S. study, the National Longitudinal Transition Study 2 (NLTS2), were compared for youth's participation with school staff in discussing transition goals. A significant decline in participation was found over the past decade. Logistic regression analyses illustrated differences in youth and parent participation and youth's role by disability category.


2022 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Admasu Etefa Tucho

The 2020 National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) data show that there are a total of 130,930 k-12 public schools in the United States of America (U.S.A), serving approximately 48.1 million students. The demographic breakdown of the student population includes 22 million (45.7%) Whites; 13. Million (32 %) Hispanic; 17.2 million (14%) African American; 2.6 million (5.4%) Asian, 2.2 million (4.6%) students two or more races; and 0.4 million (0.8%) American Indian/ Alaska Native students. Adding sex education to the public school curriculum was primarily to make elementary and secondary school students aware of sexually transmitted diseases and teenage pregnancy. Although comprehensive sexuality education has been operational in all 50 states for decades, the program's quality and comprehensiveness vary considerably from state to state due to a series of obstacles. The author of this article proposes an alternative or at least supplemental approach to the current comprehensive sex education.


1981 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 239-253
Author(s):  
Tracy Gray ◽  
Allene Guss Grognet

Language teaching in the United States has always occurred in two distinctly different environments, as indeed it has in many other countries. In the 20th century in this country, most scholarly attention has been focused on only one of these environments while the other has received scant attention though it has continued to exist. The environment receiving most attention has been the the formal academic environment--that language teaching which occurs in schools, particularly in public schools at the elementary and secondary levels and in accredited institutions at the tertiary level. But there has also been a strong tradition of language teaching in other settings; language has been taught in special school-like environments outside of regular school hours and regular school curricula by ethnic communities and religious organizations, and it has also been taught informally by community groups in less-formal adult-education structures and even in industrial settings. As the result of recent influxes of refugees, particularly from Southeast Asia, a variety of long-standing informal mechanisms have begun to receive greater attention. This article will consider both kinds of language teaching--those in academic settings and those in the less-formal settings.


2019 ◽  
Vol 100 (8) ◽  
pp. 27-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Filardo ◽  
Jeffrey M. Vincent ◽  
Kevin Sullivan

The average public school building was built around 1968 — more than 50 years ago — and the National Center for Education Statistics reports that half of all public schools in the United States need at least one major facility repair. Mary Filardo, Jeffrey Vincent, and Kevin Sullivan explain how poorly maintained school buildings have a negative effect on both student and teacher performance and health. Because local districts are responsible for funding their own building maintenance and upgrades, poor communities lack the resources to keep facilities in adequate shape, much less to modernize them, and needed repairs may be made using the same operating funds used to pay teachers and purchase instructional materials. The authors express hope that interest in infrastructure improvements at the federal level will enable schools to receive the funding they need.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaitlin P. Anderson ◽  
Gary W. Ritter

There is much discussion in the United States about exclusionary discipline (suspensions and expulsions) in schools. According to a 2014 report from the U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, Black students represent 15% of students, but 44% of students suspended more than once and 36% of expelled students. This analysis uses seven years of individual infraction-level data from public schools in Arkansas. We find that marginalized students are more likely to receive exclusionary discipline, even after controlling for the nature and number of disciplinary referrals, but that most of the differences occur across rather than within schools. Across the state, black students are about 2.4 times as likely to receive exclusionary discipline (conditional on reported infractions and other student characteristics) whereas within school, this same conditional disparity is not statistically significant. Within schools, the disproportionalities in exclusionary discipline are driven primarily by non-race factors such as free- and reduced-price lunch (FRL) eligibility and special education status. We find, not surprisingly, that schools with larger proportions of non-White students tend to give out longer punishments, regardless of school income levels, measured by FRL rates. Combined, these results appear to indicate multiple tiers of disadvantage: race drives most of the disparities across schools, whereas within schools, FRL or special education status may matter more. 


Author(s):  
Courtney Q. Shah

A concerted movement to promote sex education in America emerged in the early 20th century as part of a larger public health movement that also responded to the previous century’s concerns about venereal disease, prostitution, “seduction,” and “white slavery.” Sex education, therefore, offered a way to protect people (especially privileged women) from sexual activity of all kinds—consensual and coerced. A widespread introduction into public schools did not occur until after World War I. Sex education programs in schools tended to focus on training for heterosexual marriage at a time when high school attendance spiked in urban and suburban areas. Teachers often segregated male and female students. Beyond teaching boys about male anatomy and girls about female anatomy, reformers and educators often conveyed different messages and used different materials, depending on the race of their students. Erratic desegregation efforts during the Civil Rights movement renewed a crisis in sex education programs. Parents and administrators considered sexuality education even more dangerous in the context of a racially integrated classroom. The backlash against sex education in the schools kept pace with the backlash against integration, with each often used to bolster the other. Opponents of integration and sex education, for example, often used racial language to scare parents about what kids were learning, and with whom. In the 1980s and 1990s, the political power of the evangelical movement in the United States attracted support for “abstinence-only” curricula that relied on scare tactics and traditional assumptions about gender and sexuality. The ever-expanding acceptance (both legal and social) of lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender identity directly challenged the conservative turn of abstinence-until-marriage sex education programs. The politics of gender, race, class, and sexual orientation have consistently shaped and limited sex education.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Pfaff ◽  
Charles Crabtree ◽  
Holger L. Kern ◽  
John B. Holbein

Despite growing descriptive evidence of discrimination against minority religious groups and atheists in the United States, little experimental work exists studying whether individuals face differential barriers to receiving public services depending on their religious affiliation. Here we report results from a large-scale audit study of street-level bureaucrats in the American public school system. We emailed the principals of more than 45,000 public schools and asked for a meeting, randomly assigning the religious affiliation/non-affiliation of the family. To get at potential mechanisms, we also randomly assigned belief intensity.We find evidence of substantial discrimination against Muslims and atheists. These individuals are substantially less likely to receive a response, with discrimination growing when they signal that their beliefs are more intense. Protestants and Catholics face no discrimination unless they signal that their religious beliefs are intense. Our ?findings suggest that minority religious groups and atheists face important barriers to equal representation in the public arena.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Haiqi Li

The spread of crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) has become an alarming issue in the fields of public health and reproductive justice (RJ) as they impede women’s fully-informed decisions and threaten women’s reproductive autonomy. However, most existing scholarship has only focused on CPCs within the United States; hardly any literature has been devoted to anti-CPC activism. This study contributes to addressing these gaps by adopting a mixed method. The paper first reviews the status quo of U.S. and Canadian CPCs through the existing literature to contextualize my investigation. Then it explores the establishment of individual Canadian CPCs to evaluate whether they are gaining more influence. It also analyzes the presence and absence of information on Canadian anti-CPC activism in the social media of RJ organizations. Finally, it examines the interviews I conducted with Canadian RJ activists to identify the ongoing anti-CPC activism and why some groups do not regard it central to their agenda. Results of this research reveal that CPCs have been continuously expanding in Canada during the past 35 years. Despite realizing their threat, most Canadian RJ groups do not focus their activism on CPCs and instead, concern themselves more with such issues as abortion access owing to their political engagement restriction, as well as their viewpoint that variation among Canadian CPCs and the Canadian liberal political context lessen CPCs’ overall threat. The limited ongoing activism includes lobbying for halting funding for CPCs, revoking their charitable statuses, banning their advertisements, and removing their biased sex education from public schools.


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