From Innocent Children to Unwanted Migrants and Unwed Moms: Two Chapters in the Public Discourse on Welfare in the United States, 1960-1961

2000 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 10-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Levenstein
2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 130-170
Author(s):  
Myrisha S. Lewis

In many areas of innovation, the United States is a leader, but this characterization does not apply to the United States' position in assisted reproductive technology innovation and clinical use. This article uses a political science concept, the idea of the “democratic deficit” to examine the lack of American public discourse on innovations in ART. In doing so, the article focuses on America's missing public consultation in health care innovation. This missing discourse is significant, as political and ethical considerations may impact regulatory decisions. Thus, to the extent that these considerations are influencing the decisions of federal agency employees, namely those who work within the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, the public is unable to participate in the decision-making process. This lack of a public discourse undermines the goals of the administrative state, which include democratic participation, transparency, and accountability.The United Kingdom, on the other hand, has had a markedly divergent experience with assisted reproductive technology innovation. Instead of ignoring the various ethical, social, and legal issues surrounding assisted reproductive technology innovation, the United Kingdom engaged in a five-strand public consultation on the topic of mitochondrial transfer, a form of assisted reproductive technology that uses genetic modification in order to prevent disease transmission. This article argues that after a multi-decade standstill in terms of the public discourse related to ethical issues associated with assisted reproductive technology and germline modification, it is time for the United States to institute a more democratic inquiry into the scientific, ethical, and social implications of new forms of assisted reproductive technology and ultimately, forthcoming medical innovations that involve genetic modification.


2021 ◽  
pp. 9-16
Author(s):  
Daniela Bandelli

AbstractThis chapter discusses the origin, spirit, objectives and methodology of this study on the surrogacy international debate. The aim of this study is to explain the politics of signification on surrogacy carried out especially by the women’s movement, verifying how it is contributing to the public discourse and policies on the subject, how it is being organized, as well as dividing, and how the proposed instances fit into global discourses and are recontextualized on the basis of social specificities. These aims are pursued through three case studies in the United States, Mexico and Italy. The key concepts of the theoretical framework of the research will also be described in this chapter, such as: the women’s movement, diagnostic and prognostic frames.


Author(s):  
Bjørn F. Stillion Southard

The African colonization movement plays a peculiar role in the study of racial equality in the United States. For white colonizationists, the movement was positioned as a compromise between slavery and abolition. For free blacks, colonization offered the hope of freedom, but not within America’s borders. Bjørn F. Stillion Southard shows how politics and identity were negotiated in middle of the public discourse on race, slavery, and freedom in America. Operating from a position of relative power, white advocates argued that colonization was worthy of support from the federal government. Stillion Southard analyzes the speeches of Henry Clay, Elias B. Caldwell, and Abraham Lincoln as efforts to engage with colonization at the level of deliberation. Between Clay and Caldwell’s speeches at the founding of the American Colonization Society in 1816 and Lincoln’s final public effort to encourage colonization in 1862, Stillion Southard explores the speeches and writings of free blacks who grappled with colonization’s conditional promises of freedom. The book examines an array of discourses to explore the complex issues of identity facing free blacks who attempted to meaningfully engage in colonization efforts. From a peculiarly voiced Counter Memorial against the ACS, to the letters of wealthy black merchant Louis Sheridan negotiating for his passage to Liberia, to the civically-minded orations of Hilary Teage in Liberia, Peculiar Rhetoric brings into light the intricacies of blacks who attempted to meaningfully engage in colonization.


Prospects ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Bridget Roussell Cowlishaw

In the last decades of the 20th century, authors touting academic credentials made their way into the public discourse on alien abduction. In the process, these academics have manufactured a rhetorical space in which to speak from professional expertise while at the same time enacting rhetorical conventions of contemporary public discourse in the United States that limit the validity of expertise. The authors accomplish this by appealing to the contemporary American taste for democratic discourse. By democratic, I mean discourse that privileges knowledge derived from personal experience rather than from objective reasoning — a way of knowing that requires no credentials but the ability to render oneself a speaking subject.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 340
Author(s):  
Earl James Edwards

Since first becoming a major social issue in the 1980s, homelessness has been a racialized problem in the United States. Its disproportionate impact on Black Americans is primarily driven by structural racism and the limited housing and employment opportunities for Black Americans. The first major federal legislation to address the needs of the United States’ homeless population—the Stewart B. McKinney–Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1987 omitted the root causes of Black housing instability, thereby proving ineffective at mitigating Black homelessness. As a result, Black Americans remain disproportionately impacted today. In addition to being neglected by the McKinney–Vento Homeless Assistance Act, Black men and women experiencing homelessness are more likely to be discriminated against than any other racial group. For example, Black men are more likely to be arrested than anyone else, and Black women are the most likely to experience hyper-surveillance. This paper uses the Public Identity Framework to argue that in the 1980s, advocates and opponents of homeless legislation created two contradictory public personas to shape public discourse and policies for the homeless. A colorblind public persona was used to pass the McKinney–Vento Homeless Act; meanwhile, the public persona of the “underclass” was used to criminalize and shame the homeless. Both personas operated concurrently to create a dual public identity for the homeless that influenced policy and ultimately harmed Black people.


2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Jenny Morgan

This article explores the possible reasons for the absence of a public discourse about sexual harassment in Australia, which can be contrasted with a relatively well-developed legal discourse. It also briefly compares the debate about sexual harassment in the United States and Australia that followed in the wake of controversial and very public sexual harassment cases in each country. It argues that the debate in the wake of the Clarence Hill-Anita Thomas hearings in the United States was much more productive than the debate in Australia after the publication of Helen Garner’s book, The First Stone. The discussion in Australia focused on whether the young women in the case had ‘over-reacted’ and whether there were generational differences in women’s reactions to sexual harassment. The more interesting (and I would argue, far more important) questions of what is sexual harassment is and what are its effects were ignored. This article goes on to explore one aspect of what sexual harassment is and does by examining what women actually do in response to sexual harassment through an analysis of some of the stories of targets of harassment as they appear in the law reports. In this way it tries to make some of the legal discourse about sexual harassment a part of the public discourse about the phenomenon.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-76
Author(s):  
Tomasz Raburski

The article explores the link between the language of rights and democracy. The author asks whether the dominance of the language of rights in the United States is responsible for the overall condition of American democracy, and the lack of such dominance may have a negative impact on the Polish public sphere. The beginning of the article describes the problems with translating the word „right” from English into Polish. In the next part, the different forms and types of rights are described. Then, a meaning of the „language of rights” is presented. Other languages of public discourse are mentioned for comparison. The consequences and functions of the language of law for the public sphere and democracy are widely discussed. The critical voices about the impact of rights are examined. Finally, the article answers the question about the role of rights in the Polish public sphere and democracy.


2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Morris

NAFTA, neoliberalism and even neoindigenismo in Chiapas have all challenged past perceptions of self and other in Mexico. Rooted in the postmodernist importance of the other in shaping identity, this essay explores themes in contemporary Mexican images of the United States-- Mexico's predominant other-- as found in written editorials and illustrations from the Mexican press during recent moments in Mexican-U. S. affairs. The discussion first maps out the theoretical setting, raising questions about the importance of Mexican perceptions of its northern neighbor and recent changes in those perceptions. These concerns are briefly incorporated into the modernist/postmodernist approaches. The essay then explores and interprets the major themes portrayed by the Mexican press during the period under review. Despite recent indications that Mexico has nurtured a new, more modern view of the United States, perceptions of the United States as power-hungry, hypocritical, and anti-Mexican still inform the public discourse. / El TLC, el neoliberalismo y también el neoindigenismo en Chiapas han retado a las recientes percepciones sobre el yo y el otro en México. A raíz de la importancia posmodernista del otro en la creación de la identidad nacional, el trabajo actual examina algunos aspectos de la imagen contemporánea que México sostiene de los Estados Unidos. Este ensayo se basa en un análisis de editoriales escritos e ilustraciones de la prensa mexicana durante un período reciente en la relación entre los dos países. Dividida en dos partes, la discusión empieza al ofrecer un marco teórico que subraya varias cuestiones sobre la importancia de las percepciones mexicanas de vecino del norte y los posibles cambios de éstas en los últimos años. Se incorporan entonces estos puntos, en forma breve, a los enfoques modernistas/posmodernistas. La segunda sección explora e interpreta los temas más sobresalientes de la prensa mexicana durante el período en cuestión. El trabajo muestra que a pesar de las recientes indicaciones que México ha desarrollado una imagen nueva, y más moderna de los EU, la percepción dominante caracteriza a Estados Unidos como un país con una insaliable hambre de poder, hipócrita y antimexicano.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document