Uprooting, Composting, and Revolutionary History in Israel Potter

Leviathan ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-57
Author(s):  
Ryan McWilliams
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julius M. Gathogo

The Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), otherwise known as Mau-Mau revolutionary movement was formed after returnees of the Second World War (1939–1945) ignited the African populace to militarily fight for land and freedom (wiyathi nai thaka). John Walton’s theory of reluctant rebels informs this article theoretically, as it is indeed the political elites who inspired this armed struggle. To do this, they held several meetings in the capital city of Nairobi, drew the war structures from the national level to the sub-location level, especially in the central region of Kenya, and tasked locals with filling in the leadership vacuums that were created. In view of this, the article seeks to unveil the revolutionary history of the Mau-Mau medical Doctor, also known as Major Judge Munene Gachau (born in 1935), whose contribution in the Kenyan war of independence (1952–1960) remains unique. This uniqueness can be attested to by considering various factors. First, he is one of the few surviving leaders who joined the guerrilla forest war while he was relatively young. Normally, the Mau-Mau War Council did not encourage people below the age of 25 to join the rebels in the forest of Mt. Kenya, Aberdare Mountains and/or other places. Nor did they encourage adults past the age of 35 to join as combatants in the forest fight. Second, he is the only known Mau-Mau rebel in Kirinyaga county of Kenya to have gone back to school after the war had ended, traveled abroad, and studied up to a Masters degree level. Third, Munene Gachau belongs in the category that joined the rebels while still relatively educated and eventually got promoted to the rank of Major, upon being confirmed as the Mau-Mau Doctor.


Author(s):  
Polly Jones

A major late Soviet initiative, the ‘Fiery Revolutionaries’ (Plamennye revoliutsionery) series, was launched to rekindle popular enthusiasm for the revolution, eventually giving rise to over 150 biographies and historical novels authored by many key post-Stalinist writers. What new meanings did revolution take on as it was reimagined by writers including dissidents, leading historians, and popular historical novelists? How did their millions of readers engage with these highly varied texts? To what extent does this Brezhnev-era publishing phenomenon challenge the notion of late socialism as a time of ‘stagnation’, and how does it confirm it? Through exploring the complex processes of writing, editing, censorship, and reading of late Soviet literature, Revolution Rekindled highlights the dynamic negotiations that continued within Soviet culture well past the apparent turning point of 1968 through to the late Gorbachev era. It also complicates the opposition between ‘official’ and underground post-Stalinist culture by showing how Soviet writers and readers engaged with both, as they sought answers to key questions of revolutionary history, ethics, and ideology: it thus reveals the enormous breadth and vitality of the ‘historical turn’ amongst the late Soviet population. Revolution Rekindled is the first archival, oral history, and literary study of this unique late socialist publishing experiment, from its beginnings in the early 1960s to its collapse in the early 1990s. It draws on a wide range of previously untapped archives, uses in-depth interviews with Brezhnev-era writers, editors, and publishers, and assesses the generic and stylistic innovations within the series’ biographies and novels.


2021 ◽  
pp. 016344372110227
Author(s):  
Yingzi Wang ◽  
Thoralf Klein

This paper examines the changes and continuities in TV representations of Chinese Communist Party’s revolutionary history and interprets them within the broader context of China’s political, economic and cultural transformations since the 1990s. Drawing on a comparative analysis of three state-sponsored TV dramas produced between the late 1990s and mid-2010s, it traces how the state-sanctioned revolutionary narratives have changed over time in response to the Party’s propaganda imperatives on the one hand, and to the market-oriented production environment on the other. The paper argues that while recent TV productions in the new century have made increasing concessions to audience taste by adopting visually stimulating depictions and introducing fictional characters as points of identification for the audience, the revolutionary narratives were still aligned with the Party’s propaganda agenda at different times. This shows the ongoing competition between ideological and commercial interests in Chinese TV production during the era of market reforms.


Transilvania ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Mihnea Bâlici

Fracturism proved to be the “spearhead” of the 2000 generation. The first and by far the most radical literary group formed after 1989, this promotion became the cultural expression of a difficult context in the post-revolutionary history of Romania. The aim of this study is to analyze the origin, the function and the effects of the Fracturist ideas proposed by Marius Ianuș and Dumitru Crudu in 1998. Most literary interpretations failed to capture the specificity of this promotion. This is due to the fact that the aesthetic program was never a priority for the Fracturists. It can be emphasized that Fracturism appeared in a specific set of historical, political, social, institutional and cultural circumstances. The present analysis aims to clarify the complex links between the difficult post-communist transition, the crisis of the Romanian literary field and the ostentatious literary expression of the new authors. In this regard, a certain performative dimension of fracturism can be theorized: the poets and prose writers of the new millennium will militate against a distressing social reality by changing the very role of the contemporary author.


2018 ◽  
pp. 149-179
Author(s):  
O. Fedotov

The article analyses 12 texts authored by V. Khodasevich: the poet was planning to publish them separately under the working title of The Blank Verse [Belie stikhi]. Written in an almost uninterrupted sequence, these poems are more than a cycle united by similarities in the genre and meter, but a kind of super-text that describes several episodes of post-revolutionary history, revealing their symbolic meaning as it does so. The plot develops from one poem to another, defined by the lyrical freedom and relative independence of its elements on the one hand, and by the main recurrent topics and images on the other. The article combines a biographical approach and poetic and genre-related analyses to classify Khodasevich’s works as ‘lyrical-epic novellas’ and reveal their genre-specific and metaphorical potential as well as establish their tentative context, namely, links to A. Blok’s Free Thoughts [Volnie mysli] and A. Akhmatova’s Requiem.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Insko

The present is social: this is the central claim of Chapter 5, the book’s final chapter, which reads Herman Melville’s novel Israel Potter (1855). Formally peculiar, the novel’s erratic telling of history thus mirrors Israel’s wanderings. Both are, as the narrator says at one point of Israel, “repeatedly and rapidly …planted, torn up, transplanted, and dropped again, hither and thither.” My reading proceeds by way of an exploration of the novel’s varying uses of narrative prolepsis, its movement away from a foreshadowing that knows that is certain, and toward one that doesn’t, but that hopes. Alongside its critique of nationalist posturing, Israel Potter imagines the conditions for a kind of hopefulness, which it glimpses in forms of sociality that reside in an unspecified, perhaps even queer, “as yet.” In doing so, it anticipates the possibility of a renovated and renewed social world.


Slavic Review ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 666-679
Author(s):  
Wilson R. Augustine

The All-Russian Union of Railwaymen, formed in April 1917, was the largest labor association in revolutionary Russia and by far the most strategically located. The railway workers bestrode the system which carried troops to a crumbling military front and grain to great cities on the edge of famine. Exhausted Russia was so close to catastrophe that the railwaymen enjoyed the power to produce incalculable social effects merely by a stoppage of rail traffic for a few days. They had, moreover, an impressive revolutionary history. In 1905 their hastily and illegally formed organization had led all Russia in a general strike which quickly paralyzed the country and had been directly responsible for wringing a constitution from the autocracy.


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