The U.S. Constitution and Secession: A Documentary Anthology of Slavery and White Supremacy ed. by Dwight T. Pitcaithley

Ohio History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 126 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-97
Author(s):  
Amy L. Fluker
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Michelle C. Neely

Against Sustainability argues for a transformation of our environmental ethics and our environmental imagination. The introduction demonstrates that the manifest difficulties of centering transformative environmental ethics in mainstream U.S. environmentalism are compounded by the hegemony of the sustainability paradigm. Sustainability captures a well-meaning impulse to ensure the stable persistence of human societies over time, yet its reassuring emphasis on stability comes with a high cost: sustainability prizes continuity with pasts the Anthropcene reveals as environmentally and ethically problematic. The introduction illustrates the limits of future-oriented paradigms dominated by pastoral thinking by reading contemporary critics of the U.S. food system against their nineteenth-century counterparts. An archival approach to industrial farming and animal agriculture proves that many of their hallmark practices originate in the antebellum period or earlier. The introduction ultimately argues that an honest reckoning with the history of U.S. environmental ideas and practices compels us to recognize the imbrication of many of our most cherished environmental ideals with the systems that produced the problems to which they apparently respond: capitalism, settler colonialism, and white supremacy. If we want something different—for ourselves and for the planet—we will have to imagine it, and we will have to build it.


Author(s):  
John L. Jackson

This chapter examines the controversy surrounding Obama's former, prophetic pastor Reverend Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. as it relates to Black identity. The controversy surrounding the comments of Rev. Wright can be traced to black religion's unsolicited interjection into the American public discourse on diversity during an unprecedented presidential campaign, when white America had begun to feel a measure of self-satisfaction about its capacity to transcend historic white supremacy and elect a black man to the high office of the U.S. presidency for the first time in American history. Public questions were raised about Obama's church and faith as well as the patriotism of Rev. Wright and the racial inclusiveness of black religion. Perhaps the controversy would have been less pronounced had black religion's public, “civil,” face been foregrounded. But it came by way of the culturally specific space of the Black Church, not just a context for movement organizing and racial unity, but the setting for challenging moral hypocrisy in an oppressive society.


Author(s):  
Robert Mickey

This chapter examines the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Smith v. Allwright that challenged the restriction on suffrage: it invalidated the all-white Democratic primary and struck at the heart of southern politics—one-party rule based on white supremacy. It first considers the Supreme Court's challenge to the white primary in relation to rulers' dilemmas, opportunities, and options before discussing narratives of enclave experiences with the white primary challenge in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Georgia. It then compares outer South and Deep South responses to Smith, showing that Georgia and South Carolina featured more impressive black mobilizations than Mississippi. However, the consequences of these episodes were not driven solely by such forces as economic development or black protest infrastructure. Rather, given different configurations of intraparty conflict, party–state institutions, and levels of black insurgency, Smith and the responses it invoked had different consequences for each enclave.


2020 ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Jasmine Mitchell

The epilogue reflects on how popular media images of the U.S. mulatta and Brazilian mulata evoke anxieties about blackness in a hemispheric context. Connecting the analysis of the media texts of the 2000s with contemporary political and cultural moments, the epilogue shows how the racial gendered logics of the mixed-race female figure aligns with renewed wave of nationalism, white supremacy, and misogyny in a trans-American context. The epilogue calls for greater black solidarities across the Americas.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Grant

In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black activism into conversation with the foreign policy of both the U.S. and South African governments, this study questions the dominant perception that U.S.-centered anticommunism decimated black international activism. Instead, by tracing the considerable amount of time, money, and effort the state invested into responding to black international criticism, Grant outlines the extent to which the U.S. and South African governments were forced to reshape and occasionally reconsider their racial policies in the Cold War world. This study shows how African Americans and black South Africans navigated transnationally organized state repression in ways that challenged white supremacy on both sides of the Atlantic. The political and cultural ties that they forged during the 1940s and 1950s are testament to the insistence of black activists in both countries that the struggle against apartheid and Jim Crow were intimately interconnected.


Author(s):  
Andrew McNeill Canady

Willis Duke Weatherford lived from 1875 to 1970 and played a key role in many of the significant social and political issues of his day, namely, race relations, education, religion, and Appalachian reform. Weatherford was driven to do so because of his Christian beliefs, particularly a philosophy known as personalism. Beginning in 1908, Weatherford became a pioneer in interracial work in the U.S. South, staying active in this field until the end of his life. From 1900 to 1945 Weatherford was also one of the central figures in the YMCA, a time when this institution wielded strong influence on communities and college campuses in this region and across the country. In the last twenty-five years of his life he addressed primarily Appalachian poverty and that region’s religious life. Living until 1970, Weatherford was able to see the demise of segregation. For the greater part of his life, however, he never challenged the Jim Crow structure, nor did he seriously question the capitalist economy that contributed to the poverty of African Americans and of Appalachia. In general, he steered clear of politics, concentrating his efforts on the power of education to change the perceptions of people and bring gradual social improvement. Weatherford’s reform activities were limited by his southern background, the financial constraints he faced as director of several institutions, the climate of white supremacy in the South, and his religious focus. These limitations were also shared by many other white southern progressives of his era.


2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 690-702 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIET HOOKER

The aim of this article is to read Frederick Douglass as a theorist of democracy. It explores the hemispheric dimensions of Douglass' political thought, especially in relation to multiracial democracy. Douglass is generally viewed as an African-American thinker primarily concerned with U.S. politics, and the transnational scope of his ideas is rarely acknowledged. Instead, this article traces the connections between Douglass’ Caribbean interventions and his arguments about racial politics in the United States. It argues that Douglass not only found exemplars of black self-government and multiracial democracy in the Caribbean and Central America, he also sought to incorporate black and mixed-race Latin Americans in order to reshape the contours of the U.S. polity and challenge white supremacy. Viewed though a hemispheric lens Douglass is revealed as a radically democratic thinker whose ideas can be utilized to sketch a fugitive democratic ethos that contains important resources for contemporary democratic theory and comparative political theory.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003464462110008
Author(s):  
Robert B. Williams

Since its inception, the U.S. government has strongly promoted the expansion of White wealth. These past policies have created the current wealth gaps in which White households typically hold >10 times the wealth held by Black or Latinx households. The tradition continues today. Using nine tax deductions, the federal government currently supports household wealth accumulation by nearly $640 billion annually. Although they make no overt mention of race, these tax exemptions are designed specifically to help wealthier households. Using evidence from the Survey of Consumer Finances, this article estimates the racial shares of these tax benefits and shows a clear pattern of racial favoritism. In addition, repeated efforts to eliminate the estate and gift taxes mean more intergenerational wealth is tax-exempted. As in the past, our current federal wealth policies are promoting White supremacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 547-565
Author(s):  
Maarten Zwiers

Segregationist politicians from the U.S. South played key roles in devising plans for the reconstruction of Germany, the Marshall Plan and the drafting of displaced persons legislation. This article discusses how their Jim Crow ideology calibrated the global and domestic order that emerged from the ashes of World War II. Southern advocates of this ideology dealt with national and foreign issues from a regional perspective, which was based on the protection of agricultural interests and a nascent military-industrial complex, but above all, on the defence of white supremacy. In general, they followed a lenient course toward Germany after the country’s defeat in World War II, for various reasons. The shared experience of post-war reconstruction, containment of communism and feelings of kinship between the Germanic people and the Anglo-Saxons of the U.S. South were some of the motives why many white southerners did not endorse punitive measures against the former enemy. For them, an obvious connection existed between the local and the global, which strongly reverberated in the formation of U.S. foreign and domestic policy in the post-war world. The rebuilding of Germany and the fugitive question were shaped on the basis of a Jim Crow blueprint.


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