The market for satirical magazines in late Francoism and the Transition (1970–84): Dissent and political opposition

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Francesc Salgado de Dios

This article offers a first collective history of the main satirical reviews during the Spanish Transition (La Codorniz, Hermano Lobo, Barrabás, El Papus, Por Favor and El Jueves), which comprised a publication segment aimed at expressing a barely recognized freedom of the press. The text describes the development of this sector of the non-daily press, satirical magazines, which burst onto the scene only to contract a few years later, in the early 1980s. The sector attracted a readership of its own, giving cover to a non-conformist, sometimes disenchanted editorial approach that challenged much of the so-called discourse of consensus, which was politically hegemonic in the press during the Transition.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 303-316
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Tałuć

The inter-war period in the history of Poland was a time of rebuilding Poland’s statehood in all dimensions, including identity and axiology, which was to be reflected in new model citizens aware of their duties to their homeland. Discussions about the axiological foundation of educational ventures in the reborn Poland were part, even before the regaining of independence, of broader disputes over ideology, worldview as well as aesthetics. The model citizen was discussed during meetings of various societies or in the press. What is particularly evident in press publications, especially those appearing when the final borders of Poland were being established, is the interpenetration of political,  educational and aesthetic topics. The aim of the article is to present the tools and methods used to idealise the mountains in tourism periodicals and daily press from 1918–1922 as well as the reasons why the mountains were functionalised. This analysis is the basis for an attempt to describe the cause and effect links between forms of mountain idealisaiton and, for example, aesthetic categories used in Jan Bułhak’s concept of homeland photography.


Figure 2.8: numbered format of extract 2 1 This is not a battle between the freedom of religion 2 and the freedom of the press; 3 two freedoms which we treasure greatly. 4 This is rather a battle of right and wrong. 5 Has the Daily Mail infringed the plaintiff’s right to a good, clean reputation, 6 or has the plaintiff Mr Orme in all the circumstances no right to any reputation at all in this case because of what he and his organisation have done and do? 7 Was the Daily Mail wrong about its allegations in its article? 8 Was it wrong about its allegations during this case? 9 Or was the plaintiff wrong; 10 was the plaintiff giving a false picture? 11 That is what it is, members of the jury, not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion, 12 but a battle of right and wrong. Looking at Figure 2.8, above, the first two and last two sentences of the extract (lines 1, 2, 11 and 12) form a ‘sandwich’ comprising repetition of the main assertion that the case is not a battle between freedom of the press and freedom of religion. It is as if he is saying that the argument is so because ‘I say so, twice!’. Another example of repetition is found in the structure of the run of three rhetorical questions, both in terms of length and the use of amplification through alliteration: ‘was juxtaposed with wrong’ in lines 7, 8 and 9. The structure of the extract also demonstrates that the judge has the authority to impose that reading of events. For he says, in line 11, ‘This is what it is, members of the jury’. Who is the ‘we’ found in line 3? (a) Is it the royal ‘we’, symbolising the ultimate authority of the court? (b) Is it merely the judge? (c) Does it include judge and jury? ‘We’ is undeniably an inclusive term. It is suggested that, in this instance, the judge is talking in relation to the court and the law, as an official spokesman of the law. The choice of the word ‘battle’, as part of what turns out to be a continuing war metaphor which runs throughout the entire summing up, as a major organising theme that argument is war, is interesting. The word ‘fight’ or ‘skirmish’ is not chosen, but ‘battle’. The reference to battle puts the case ‘high up’ in a hierarchy of modes of physical fighting—for example skirmish, scrap, fight, battle. Battle denotes that opposing armies gather together with their greatest degree of strength to fight for as long as it takes for a clear victor. Of course, it is not unusual to find ‘fighting’ metaphors used to describe English trials. Because of their accusatorial nature (‘He did it judge.’ ‘No, he did it judge.’). Early in the history of English dispute resolution, trial by battle (a physical fight) was used to determine guilt and innocence as a perfectly acceptable alternative to trial by law.

2012 ◽  
pp. 39-39

Author(s):  
Sam Lebovic

According to the First Amendment of the US Constitution, Congress is barred from abridging the freedom of the press (“Congress shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press”). In practice, the history of press freedom is far more complicated than this simple constitutional right suggests. Over time, the meaning of the First Amendment has changed greatly. The Supreme Court largely ignored the First Amendment until the 20th century, leaving the scope of press freedom to state courts and legislatures. Since World War I, jurisprudence has greatly expanded the types of publication protected from government interference. The press now has broad rights to publish criticism of public officials, salacious material, private information, national security secrets, and much else. To understand the shifting history of press freedom, however, it is important to understand not only the expansion of formal constitutional rights but also how those rights have been shaped by such factors as economic transformations in the newspaper industry, the evolution of professional standards in the press, and the broader political and cultural relations between politicians and the press.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 241-261
Author(s):  
Elīna Grigore-Bāra ◽  

The article is dedicated to the analysis of one element of the constitutional identity of the Latvian State – freedom of speech – during the initial democratic period in the State’s existence. The author analyses the rules on the protection of honour and supervision of the press as limits to freedom of speech. It is concluded in the article that the boundaries between one person’s freedom of speech and another person’s honour in the Republic of Latvia changed little compared to the previous period in the history of law and that honour as a legal benefit was prized more highly. The framework of freedom of the press, in turn, was constantly expanded. However, the creation of the lists of prohibited books and third-rate and obscene literature proves that the State did not rely on individuals exercising freedom of speech properly. Paternalistic treatment of its citizens was not unknown to the new democratic republic.


1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas H. Clancy

The most famous apology for freedom of the press, Milton’s Areopagitica, published in 1644, left no echo among its contemporaries and passed without notice in its own day. But a serious and detailed discussion of this question arose a few years later following on the publication in 1652 of an anonymous pamphlet entitled A Beacon set on fire. Of particular interest to the readers of this review is the evidence this controversy gives us about Catholic publishing during the 1650s. In the narrative of the controversy which follows we shall stress how the existence of clandestine Catholic publishing in England influenced the history of freedom of the press.


1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 661-664
Author(s):  
David Lowenthal

Some four years before the appearance of Mill's On Liberty, Macaulay sang the praises of the freedom of the press in his History of England. One hundred and sixty years earlier, in 1695, the censorship of the press had been withdrawn in England. Prior to this event, according to Macaulay, the prohibition of political criticism had elicited a flourishing trade in contraband criticism to which moderation was unknown. Its creators and distributors were not law-abiding citizens, and their character was not high. In fact, what they produced was unprincipled, fanatical, wild and dissolute in the extreme.For the aftermath, we must quote at length:… The emancipation of the press produced a great and salutary change. The best and wisest men in the ranks of the opposition now assumed an office which had hitherto been abandoned to the unprincipled or the hotheaded. Tracts against the government were written in a style not misbecoming statesmen and gentlemen; and even the compositions of the lower and fiercer class of malcontents became somewhat less brutal and less ribald than in the days of the licensers.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yi Guo

Western commentators have often criticized the state of press freedom in China, arguing that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restrictions and that its mass media remains under an authoritarian mode. Yet the history of press freedom in the Chinese context has received little examination. Unlike conventional historical accounts which narrate the institutional development of censorship and people’s resistance to arbitrary repression, Freedom of the Press in China: A Conceptual History, 1831-1949 is the first comprehensive study presenting the intellectual trajectory of press freedom. It sheds light on the transcultural transference and localization of the concept in modern Chinese history, spanning from its initial introduction in 1831 to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. By examining intellectuals’ thoughts, common people’s attitudes, and official opinions, along with the social-cultural factors that were involved in negotiating Chinese interpretations and practices in history, this book uncovers the dynamic and changing meanings of press freedom in modern China.


Author(s):  
Odile Moreau

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.


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