constitutional identity
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2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasia Ruzina

The phenomenon of the constitutional identity of the Russian state in the context of conventional and constitutional conflicts is currently acquiring a special meaning. The need to protect state sovereignty, upholding the traditional model of relations between the individual, society and the state are the urgent tasks facing the Russian Federation being the main focus of the constitutional reform of 2020. In this context, the purpose of the study was the legal analysis of the constitutional identity of the Russian state as a frontier of compromise between the European and national systems of protection of individual rights and freedoms. Disregard for the constitutional identity of the state may lead to its "erosion" and the adverse impact of internationalisation on the foundations of the constitutional order. Guided by the principle of constitutional identity, a state can arrive at the best and legitimate solution in a particular case, which would not contradict national law, but at the same time would not ignore the norms of international treaties. The application of both general scientific and special methods of cognition, the formal-legal method and the method of legal modelling, made it possible to see in the constitutional identity not only the boundary of compromises in Russia's relations with inter-state bodies, but also the distinctiveness of constitutional processes. The conducted analysis of the domestic legal acts led to the conclusion that the principle of constitutional identity is an inviolable foundation of the constitutional state and its model of ensuring the individual rights and freedoms in the traditional system of values. The indicators and trends of crime for the period from 1991 to 2020 are given.


2021 ◽  
pp. 312-324
Author(s):  
Ryszard Piotrowski

The system of governance in contemporary Poland is founded mainly on a negative narrative of distrust. That narrative brought to power the country’s present scaremongering rulers. They continue feeding the public with frightening stories of an influx of refugees, threats of war and terrorist attacks, evils of globalisation and a loss of cultural identity to foreign ways of life. A balance between distrust of rulers and trust in them is part of democracy’s constitutional identity. Those currently in power sow distrust in liberal democracy and its values – they violate the constitution, stir up distrust of elites, and make attempts at bringing the judiciary to heelwhile staging judges bashing propaganda campaigns. Distrust of European law and European institutions is part and parcel of this process. The negative narrative weakens and threatens to disenfranchise civil society, blurring the line between law and lawlessness. It also weakens those in power.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-100
Author(s):  
A. V. Bleshchik ◽  
E. G. Kalinina ◽  
S. E. Nesmeyanova

The subject. This article represents an attempt to research the notion of “constitutional identity”, which has recently emerged as a relevant concept in constitutional law, through the prism of its transformation reacting the world’s challenges.The purpose of the research is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that both typical and extraordinary factors may influence differently on the transformation of constitutional identity.The methodology. The article is based on the dialectical method, as well as on the logical, historical, systemic methods. A comparative method was applied to study the features of the constitutional identity of States. Authors pay attention to the interaction of international and national policies.The main results, scope of application. Within the doctrine of constitutional identity it is presented a discussion with respect to terms and definitions of constitutional, state or national identity, constitutional identity of citizens. Moreover, such two notions as “individuality” and “identity” form a curious couple since “identity” may contravene “individuality”. Different factors which can influence on transformation of the constitutional identity, are listed (globalization (antiglobalism), universalization of constitutional values, COVID-19 pandemic, migration, etc.). In particular, different countries choose different models of reflecting the processes of globalization in their domestic constitutional legislation: from striving for unification to systematic confrontation. In this regard, it seems necessary to assess these factors, taking into account the experience of different states. Besides, the activities of international bodies can give rise to the universalization of constitutional values. For example, supranational bodies (in particular, the European Court of Justice) develop generalcial common culture. Another example is the current epidemiological crisis. The coronavirus infection has made its own adjustments to the constitutional identity of states. Examples of such transformation are full border closures or partial closures with individual states; amendments to the national legislation, according to which the issues of measures permissible for implementation by the state are being revised in order to ensure the life and health of the population.Conclusions. Definition the constitutional identity is an important strategic framework for national policy. However, there is no certain fixed constitutional identity of the state. On contrary, the identity of the state tends to be changeable. Transformation can be regarded as voluntary, forced or consciously responsive, expected or not. Voluntary transformation usually becomes a response to the evolutionary development of society, scientific and technological advances and discoveries. Forced transformation is likely to be a reaction to economic, epidemiological, political crises. Therefore, in order to determine the constitutional identity of certain state it is necessary to understand the cultural, historical, social and political contexts of its formation and current development in the conditions of the contemporary world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (7) ◽  
pp. 1327-1343
Author(s):  
Fruzsina Gardos-Orosz

AbstractIn this Article, I suggest considering linkages of a theoretical, and continuities of a sociological nature between on the one hand, the concept and the practical use of socialist legality in Socialist Hungary—with particular regard to the period following the judicial reform of 1954—and on the other hand, the concept of constitutional identity as it has developed in the Fundamental Law in Hungary, with particular regard to the period since the 2011 judicial reform. The Article highlights surprising similarities in the politically determined legislative intention in these two periods to form embracing, quasi legal concepts, which in themselves seem to differ fundamentally, although the similarities in their nature and in the specific constitutional practice are attention-grabbing. The interpretation of the role of state institutions, and especially the judicial role, lead one to think that despite the explicit rejection of the Socialist era in Article U) of the Fundamental Law in Hungary, the new constitutional regime has familiar attitudes to the understanding of the rule of law and the role of the judiciary in promoting the enforcement of the new, supra legal concepts of a transformative nature, which, however, are filled in with the ruling political ideology, whether it be socialist legality or national constitutional identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
K. V. Karpenko

Introduction. The article deals with the phenomenon of constitutional identity, which allows strengthening the protection of constitution. The author shows, that the constitutional courts are the creators of the constitutional identity all around the world. That is why its principles may be called «praetorian law», as a reference to Roman judicial practice. The principles of constitutional identity form by themselves a core of constitutional provisions, which guarantee historical continuity and durability of any legal order. A nation can use them to preserve its existence in a legal reality. Constitutional identity creates a subordination of norms in the constitutional text. The most important of them are on the top. Such a vertical system gives to the Constitutional courts a useful criterion for balancing different interests in a society. This criterion is fair enough, because it is stipulated by the constitution itself.Materials and methods. The materials for the study include the constitutions of states, whose content is related to the problem discussed, decisions of constitutional courts and the legal positions expressed in them, as well as the conclusions of the constitutional and legal doctrine. The study uses the comparative method, which makes it possible to compare homogeneous legal phenomena, the systemic method, with the help of which constitutional identity is considered as an integral part of the mechanism of legal regulation, the dogmatic method that reveals the legal nature of the subject under study, as well as the dialectical method, which gives a holistic idea of subject of research.Results. Constitutional identity, which determines the hierarchy of constitutional norms and values, characterizes a state, emphasizing its differences from others. Constitutional identity should be unchanged over time and free from ongoing changes to the constitutional text. Then it allows identifying the permanent features of a particular legal order and the state as a whole. Consequently, the principles of constitutional identity preserve the historical heritage of the people, the patterns of its development and a certain predictability of the future. Thus, constitutional identity ensures the continuity of different historical periods.Discussion and conclusions. According to the author, the application of the principles of constitutional identity can give the current legal order an internal structure, reflected in the text of the Basic Law. At the same time, constitutional norms build a hierarchy that can reflect the hierarchy of significant values. The presence of such a hierarchy expands the possibilities of legal protection of the constitution, since the constitutional courts have a criterion for «weighing» public and private interests.


Der Staat ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-506
Author(s):  
Erhard Denninger

Im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung steht die Frage, inwieweit der Gedanke des Verfassungspatriotismus in der von Jürgen Habermas vorgeschlagenen Fassung geeignet sein kann, in einer kulturell-religiös pluralen Gesellschaft ein ausreichendes Maß an „Bürgersolidarität“ zu gewährleisten. Habermas setzt dabei entscheidend auf eine Entkoppelung der Ebene der allgemeinen und gleichen politischen Integration von der Ebene der ethisch-kulturellen Integration. Dies stößt jedoch immer dann auf Schwierigkeiten, wenn es um die Auslegung und Anwendung zentraler Rechtsbegriffe wie Menschenwürde oder der Menschenrechte geht. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht könnte bei den zwischen Mehrheit und Minderheit wechselseitig notwendigen „Perspektivenübernahmen“ ausgleichend wirken. Begriffe wie „nationale Identität“ oder „Verfassungsidentität“ können zwar gerichtlich praktiziert werden, sind aber als analytische Kategorien unbrauchbar. Entscheidungen in verfassungspatriotisch korrekt angeleiteten Verfahren müssen auch in „Parallelgesellschaften“ als legitim akzeptiert werden. The essay is focused on the question whether the idea of ‚constitutional patriotism‘ may ensure a sufficient degree of ‚civic solidarity‘ in a cultural-religious pluralistic society. The main argument of Habermas lies in the separating of the two levels: the sphere of general and equal political integration and the sphere of ethical-cultural integration. But this always produces particular difficulties when interpretation and application of basic juridical concepts, like human dignity or human rights at all, are at stake. In the reciprocally necessary adoption of perspectives between majority and minorities the Federal Constitutional Court could operate in an equalizing manner. Concepts like „national identity“ or „constitutional identity“ may be practised judicially, but taken as analytic categories they are worthless. Decisions, taken in procedures conducted correctly by constitutional patriotism, must be accepted as legitimate also by ‚parallel societies‘ (Parallelgesellschaften).


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