scholarly journals Syrian refugees in Brazil

Author(s):  
Ana Raquel Torres Menezes

Brazil is the main receiver of Syrian nationals seeking for asylum in Latin America. In spite of the distance from Syria comparatively to European countries, Brazil is often chosen as a destiny country due to two main reasons: the humanitarian visa granted to people affected by the instability in Syria, that demands less requirements than a regular visa, and the possibility of acquiring a working permit even before the refuge status is granted. However, Syrian refugees/refuge seekers face challenges in accessing labor market due to language barriers, difficulties in proving previous professional qualifications and the discrimination against refugees of arab origin. The public sphere is by law responsible for promoting integration policies for refugees, and has covered issues such as juridical assistance for this population, but doesn’t have clear actions in integrating refugees in the labor market. The organized civil society realizes a valorous work in this sense, with many initiatives to assist refugees inserting in the labor market, such as language courses, resume creating and raising of awareness to companies about the hiring of refugees. Since these institutions don’t count on enough financial support from the public sphere, they vastly rely on volunteer workforce, which despite being very helpful, many times is not specialized in dealing with refuge issues. By performing a qualitative review of literature in the subject, extracted from books, articles, journal articles, doctorate thesis, bachelor thesis and newspaper databases both in Portuguese and in English, this research intends to figure out  how the civil society organizations are assisting Syrian refugees to integrate in the labor market in Brazil, filling the gap left by the public power, and often suffering from overburdening.

Author(s):  
Christopher Bail

This chapter explains how anti-Muslim organizations leveraged their newfound standing within the public sphere to forge social networks with powerful civil society organizations and amass vast financial resources between 2004 and 2006. In so doing, anti-Muslim organizations crept from the fringe to the mainstream of the cultural environment as their once peripheral messages spread across more moderate organizations and inspired others to join the struggle to shape shared understandings about Islam. This transformation resulted from the routinization of their emotional energy into a field of terrorism experts, a sophisticated media strategy that resulted in several best-selling books and an influential documentary film, and partnerships with groups that splintered from the mainstream during earlier periods.


Author(s):  
Christopher Bail

This chapter asks whether the influence of anti-Muslim organizations within the media and policy process extends toward the broader public and everyday life. Though public opinion of Muslims became more favorable after the September 11 attacks, subsequent years witnessed a marked increase in anti-Muslim attitudes among the American public that mirrored the rise of anti-Muslim organizations within the public sphere. Data from popular social media sites suggest the surge in anti-Muslim civil society organizations was at least partly responsible for the transformation of the American public's understanding of Islam. Finally, the chapter details the growth of mosque controversies within the U.S. inspired by fringe activists—including the high-profile controversy about the construction of an Islamic center near the site of the September 11 attacks and the Qur'an burning controversy that followed.


Author(s):  
Marta Postigo Asenjo

RESUMENEl sistema patriarcal no afecta exclusivamente al poder político y judicial, sino que afecta a la estructura interna de la sociedad, la identidad y las formas de vida de los individuos que en ella viven. Para comprender mejor como condiciona el sistema patriarcal las formas de vida y la visión que tienen los individuos de la realidad social, hemos de analizar el modo en que se extiende al orden institucional y lo determina mediante "tipificaciones" de hechos y de personas y mediante roles concretos, esteoreotipaciones sexiuales que obstaculizan el acceso a la esfera pública de la mujer, así como su reinserción en el mercado laboral, en suma, todo aquello que afecta al conocimiento común que comparten los miembros de una comunidad. El cambio hacia una mayor igualdad y una real democracia paritaria y compartida no es posible sin una paulatina educación y concienciación de la sociedad en su conjunto.PALABRAS CLAVEPATRIARCADO-TIPIFICACIÓN SOCIAL-IGUALDAD DE GÉNEROABSTRACTPatriarchalism is not only present in politics and the judicial system. It also affects the internal structure of society, above all the life and identitý of individuals. To understand better how it conditions their ways of life and the vision the individuals have of social reality, we should study how patriarchalism r3eaches the system of institutions and how this becomes determined by "typifications" of facts and people, and by certain roles or sexual stereotypes that hinder the access of women both to the public sphere and to tha labor market. It sum, everything that concerns the common knowledge that the members of a community share. The move towards more equality and towards a more egalitarian democracy heavily depends on the spread of civic education to the entire society.KEYWORDSPATRIARCHALISM-SOCIAL TYPIFICATION-GENDER EQUALITY


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-259
Author(s):  
Ruth Rubio-Marín

Abstract This article underscores the foundational exclusion of women from constitution-making as an expression of the ideology of separate and gendered spheres dominant at the birth of written constitutionalism. It traces the incorporation of women into constitution-making within a broader gender equality participatory turn taking place, since the late 1980s and especially 1990s, coinciding in time with the rise of popular constitutionalism more broadly speaking. By looking at a variety of examples drawn from multiple jurisdictions across the world, it explores the forms of participation of women in constitution-making both through their gradual (though yet insufficient) incorporation into official constitution-making bodies and institutions and, more importantly, through civil society mobilization. It claims that without taking into account the structural dimension of women’s traditional exclusion from the public sphere and constitution-making it is not possible to have an adequate comprehension of the strategies, challenges, meaning, and impact of women joining constitution-making, all of which I briefly describe.


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