scholarly journals An Urban Frontier: Respatializing Government in Remote Northern Australia

2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel T. Fisher

This essay draws on ethnographic research with Aboriginal Australians living in the parks and bush spaces of a Northern Australian city to analyze some new governmental measures by which remoteness comes to irrupt within urban space and to adhere to particular categories of people who live in and move through this space. To address this question in contemporary Northern Australia is also to address the changing character of the Australian government of Aboriginal people as it moves away from issues of redress and justice toward a state of emergency ostensibly built on settler Australian compassion and humanitarian concern. It also means engaging with the mediatization of politics and its relation to the broader, discursive shaping of such spatial categories as remote and urban. I suggest that remoteness forms part of the armory of recent political efforts to reshape Aboriginal policy in Northern Australia. These efforts leverage remoteness to diagnose the ills of contemporary Aboriginal society, while producing remoteness itself as a constitutive feature of urban space.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 326-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azra Hromadžić

Building on more than ten years of ethnographic research in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article documents discourses and practices of civility as mutuality with limits. This mode of civility operates to regulate the field of socio-political inclusion in Bosnia-Herzegovina; it stretches to include self-described “urbanites” while, at the same time, it excludes “rural others” and “rural others within.” In order to illustrate the workings of civility as mutuality with limits, the focus is on interconnections and messy relationships between different aspects of civility: moral, political/civil, and socio-cultural. Furthermore, by using ethnography in the manner of theory, three assumptions present in theories of civility are challenged. First, there is an overwhelming association of civility with bourgeois urban space where civility is located in the city. However, the focus here is on how civility works in the context of Balkan and Bosnian semi-periphery, suspended between urbanity and rurality. Second, much literature on civility implies that people enter public spaces in ways that are unmarked. As is shown here, however, people’s bodies always carry traces of histories of inequality. Third, scholarship on civility mainly takes the materiality of urban space for granted. By paying careful attention to what crumbling urban space looks and feels like, it is demonstrated how civility is often entangled with, experienced through and articulated via material things, such as ruins. These converging, historically shaped logics, geographies and materialities of (in)civility illustrate how civility works as an “incomplete horizon” of political entanglement, recognition and mutuality, thus producing layers of distinction and hierarchies of value, which place a limit on the prospects of democratic politics in Bosnia-Herzegovina and beyond.


1999 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 364-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Laugharne

When the Australian Governor General, Sir William Deane, referred in a speech in 1996 to the “appalling problems relating to Aboriginal health” he was not exaggerating. The Australia Bureau of Statistics report on The Health and Welfare of Australia's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples (McLennan & Madden, 1997) outlines the following statistics. The life expectancy for Aboriginal Australians is 15 to 20 years lower than for non-Aboriginal Australians, and is lower than for most countries of the world with the exception of central Africa and India. Aboriginal babies are two to three times more likely to be of lower birth weight and two to four times more likely to die at birth than non-Aboriginal babies. Hospitalisation rates are two to three times higher for Aboriginal than non-Aboriginal Australians. Death rates from infectious diseases are 15 times higher among Aboriginal Australians than non-Aboriginal Australians. Rates for heart disease, diabetes, injury and respiratory diseases are also all higher among Aboriginals – and so the list goes on. It is fair to say that Aboriginal people have higher rates for almost every type of illness for which statistics are currently recorded.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1033-1043 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kylie Radford ◽  
Holly A. Mack ◽  
Hamish Robertson ◽  
Brian Draper ◽  
Simon Chalkley ◽  
...  

ABSTRACTBackground:Dementia is an emerging health priority in Australian Aboriginal communities, but substantial gaps remain in our understanding of this issue, particularly for the large urban section of the population. In remote Aboriginal communities, high prevalence rates of dementia at relatively young ages have been reported. The current study is investigating aging, cognitive decline, and dementia in older urban/regional Aboriginal Australians.Methods:We partnered with five Aboriginal communities across the eastern Australian state of New South Wales, to undertake a census of all Aboriginal men and women aged 60 years and over residing in these communities. This was followed by a survey of the health, well-being, and life history of all consenting participants. Participants were also screened using three cognitive instruments. Those scoring below designated cut-offs, and a 20% random sample of those scoring above (i.e. “normal” range), completed a contact person interview (with a nominated family member) and medical assessment (blind to initial screening results), which formed the basis of “gold standard” clinical consensus determinations of cognitive impairment and dementia.Conclusion:This paper details our protocol for a population-based study in collaboration with local Aboriginal community organizations. The study will provide the first available prevalence rates for dementia and cognitive impairment in a representative sample of urban Aboriginal people, across city and rural communities, where the majority of Aboriginal Australians live. It will also contribute to improved assessment of dementia and cognitive impairment and to the understanding of social determinants of successful aging, of international significance.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle L. DiGiacomo ◽  
Sandra C. Thompson ◽  
Julie S. Smith ◽  
Kate P. Taylor ◽  
Lynette A. Dimer ◽  
...  

Objectives. To describe health professionals’ perceptions of Aboriginal people’s access to cardiac rehabilitation (CR) services and the role of institutional barriers in implementing the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) guidelines Strengthening Cardiac Rehabilitation and Secondary Prevention for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Design. Qualitative study. Setting. Metropolitan and rural tertiary and community-based public CR services and Aboriginal health services in WA. Participants. Thirty-eight health professionals working in the CR setting. Method. Semistructured interviews were undertaken with 28 health professionals at public CR services and 10 health professionals from Aboriginal Medical Services in WA. The participants represented 17 services (10 rural, 7 metropolitan) listed in the WA Directory of CR services. Results. Emergent themes included (1) a lack of awareness of Aboriginal CR patients’ needs; (2) needs related to cultural awareness training for health professionals; and (3) Aboriginal health staff facilitate access for Aboriginal patients. Conclusions. Understanding the institutional barriers to Aboriginal participation in CR is necessary to recommend viable solutions. Promoting cultural awareness training, recruiting Aboriginal health workers and monitoring participation rates are important in improving health outcomes. What is already known about this subject? Significant health and social inequity exists for Aboriginal Australians. Despite the persisting high rates of morbidity and mortality related to cardiovascular disease in Aboriginal Australians, participation rates in cardiac rehabilitation remain low. What does this paper add? Despite widespread dissemination of NHMRC guidelines, there remains a disconnect between CR health professionals’ understandings and practices and the needs of Aboriginal people in WA. Increasing the volume and quality of cultural awareness training as well as access to Aboriginal health professionals are crucial in addressing this disparity. What are the implications for practitioners? Increasing the number and support of Aboriginal people trained as health professionals will assist the system to respond better to the needs of communities. Collaborative partnership models where Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal health professionals work together to increase mutual understanding are warranted.


1987 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
J.E. Cawte

Kava has been introduced into Aboriginal communities in Northern Australia. Persons from Yirrkala in North East Arnhem Land visiting the South Pacific region on study tours have been impressed by their welcome in Kava bowl ceremonies, and some of them hoped that the Aborigines might use Kava instead of alcohol.In 1983 many Aboriginal people in Arnhem Land used Kava, and much more was used in 1984. By 1985 it became a social epidemic or ‘craze’ in many communities. Rings of people of both sexes and of all ages often sit together under trees around Kava bowls for many hours. They may drink up to a hundred times the amount normally drunk in the Pacific Islands by the same number of people in the same time.


2000 ◽  
Vol 124 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. R. CARAPETIS ◽  
B. J. CURRIE ◽  
J. D. MATHEWS

Aboriginal Australians in northern Australia are subject to endemic infection with group A streptococci, with correspondingly high rates of acute rheumatic fever and rheumatic heart disease. For 12 communities with good ascertainment, the estimated lifetime cumulative incidence of acute rheumatic fever was approximately 5·7%, whereas over the whole population, with less adequate ascertainment, the cumulative incidence was only 2·7%. The corresponding prevalences of established rheumatic heart disease were substantially less than the cumulative incidences of acute rheumatic fever, at least in part because of poor ascertainment. The cumulative incidence of acute rheumatic fever estimates the proportion of susceptible individuals in endemically exposed populations. Our figures of 2·7–5·7% susceptible are consistent with others in the literature. Such comparisons suggest that the major part of the variation in rheumatic fever incidence between populations is due to differences in streptococcal exposure and treatment, rather than to any difference in (genetic) susceptibility.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Kerkhove

Aboriginal peoples have been ‘doing business’ with foreigners for centuries (McCarthy 1939; Langton, Mazel and Palmer 2006), yet research to date has focused either on traditional exchange networks (Donovan and Wall 2004) or the impact of Western goods. Thus Harrison (2002) and Jones (2007) plotted Aboriginal exchange values and redistribution systems for iron and cloth. The general impression from such works is that, following European contact, Aboriginal society was radically transformed, while Europeans received curios. For example, Western goods stimulated a ‘glass artefact industry’ (Harrison 2003) and Aboriginal ‘doggers’ controlled dingos (Young 2010), but only officials or anthropologists had use for the resultant spearheads and scalps. At best, Aboriginal–European trade is considered inconsequential — ‘trinkets for trash’ — while Noel Butlin's (1994) analysis of the colonial economy entirely ignores it. Discussion of profitable exchange seems limited to the post-1950s arts trade (Kleinert 2010: 175). The notion that Aboriginal people might ‘flourish’ in trade or labour with Europeans (e.g. Anderson 1983) is discarded as absurd (White 2011: 81). This is perplexing, because colonial expansion saw commercial exchanges with Indigenous peoples all over the globe. Trade between Europeans and native people forms the opening chapter of national histories — for example, those of Canada and New Zealand (Innis 1999; Salmond 1997; McLusker 2006).


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Durey ◽  
D. McAullay ◽  
B. Gibson ◽  
L.M. Slack-Smith

Despite dedicated government funding, Aboriginal Australians, including children, experience more dental disease than other Australians, despite it being seen as mostly preventable. The ongoing legacy of colonization and discrimination against Aboriginal Australians persists, even in health services. Current neoliberal discourse often holds individuals responsible for the state of their health, rather than the structural factors beyond individual control. While presenting a balanced view of Aboriginal health is important and attests to Indigenous peoples’ resilience when faced with persistent adversity, calling to account those structural factors affecting the ability of Aboriginal people to make favorable oral health choices is also important. A decolonizing approach informed by Indigenous methodologies and whiteness studies guides this article to explore the perceptions and experiences of Aboriginal parents ( N = 52) of young children, mainly mothers, in Perth, Western Australia, as they relate to the oral health. Two researchers, 1 Aboriginal and 1 non-Aboriginal, conducted 9 focus group discussions with 51 Aboriginal participants, as well as 1 interview with the remaining individual, and independently analyzed responses to identify themes underpinning barriers and enablers to oral health. These were compared, discussed, and revised under key themes and interpreted for meanings attributed to participants’ perspectives. Findings indicated that oral health is important yet often compromised by structural factors, including policy and organizational practices that adversely preclude participants from making optimal oral health choices: limited education about prevention, prohibitive cost of services, intensive marketing of sugary products, and discrimination from health providers resulting in reluctance to attend services. Current government intentions center on Aboriginal–non-Aboriginal partnerships, access to flexible services, and health care that is free of racism and proactively seeks and welcomes Aboriginal people. The challenge is whether these good intentions are matched by policies and practices that translate into sustained improvements to oral health for Aboriginal Australians. Knowledge Transfer Statement: Slow progress in reducing persistent oral health disparities between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians calls for a new approach to this seemingly intractable problem. Findings from our qualitative research identified that structural factors—such as cost of services, little or no education on preventing oral disease, and discrimination by health providers—compromised Aboriginal people’s optimum oral health choices and access to services. The results from this study can be used to recommend changes to policies and practices that promote rather than undermine Aboriginal health and well-being and involve Aboriginal people in decisions about their health care.


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