scholarly journals Polish Music Published by Moeck 1958 to 1967 – a (Failed?) Transfer from East to West

2020 ◽  
pp. 48-68
Author(s):  
Sebastian Borchers
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Publishing House ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
The West ◽  
Musical Life ◽  
Music Publishing ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
German Publisher ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

From the end of the 1950s, the West German publisher Moeck officially represented the state-led music publishing house PWM ‘in the West’ with the permission of the Polish Ministry of Culture. Beside the distribution of score editions and orchestral performance materials by the PWM, Moeck also represented the interests of Polish composers in the Federal Republic of Germany directly in his own catalogue. Among the first authors of the new series of editions were Kotoński, Lutosławski, Penderecki, Serocki and Szalonek. They belonged to a circle that regularly participated in West German musical life in the 1960s. Despite the spirit of optimism and advantages for the composers, this cooperation also led to problems on several levels. These included the billing of performance materials and the handling of international copyright. This made the participants aware of various limits and led to conflicts – especially on the Polish side. Translation of Polish texts in vocal works into German and English was also not as straightforward as originally planned. The article offers new insights into Polish–German cooperation in the cultural field of music, which went on despite the difficult relationship between the two states then and also beyond the borders of the Cold War.

International Solidarity with FRELIMO in Mozambique during the Liberation Struggle

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corrado Tornimbeni
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
International Solidarity ◽  
Southern Rhodesia ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

Nationalism in Mozambique was characterized by a plurality of leaders who competed for influence both within and outside the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO). Each of them tried to gain political support at a continental and international level, and, eventually, the leadership that rose to power within FRELIMO by the end of the 1960s and early 1970s prevailed over other components of Mozambican nationalism both on the field of the liberation war and at the diplomatic level. This leadership was highly cosmopolitan and implemented a vibrant diplomacy within the mechanisms of the Cold War worldwide. FRELIMO was supported by newly independent African governments that were active in promoting the independence of African people in countries still under colonial rule (e.g., Tanzania, Algeria, Zambia), and then by governments from the Eastern bloc of the Cold War as well as by solidarity committees in the West (e.g., United States, Sweden and Nordic countries, United Kingdom, Italy). Within these contexts, FRELIMO secured a key political legitimacy as the genuine liberation movement of Mozambique, joined by other movements of the Portuguese colonies, South Africa, Namibia, and Southern Rhodesia—and opposed by a rival group of liberation movements from those countries. This status was also recognized among such important international organizations as Conferência das Organizações Nacionalistas das Colónias Portuguesas (CONCP), Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organisation (AAPSO), World Peace Council (WPC), Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and, eventually, the UN. Probably, the networks of solidarity with FRELIMO that developed in the West played a key role in the defeat of the Portuguese regime and in establishing the independence of Mozambique, since a number of Western European countries were formally allied with Portugal within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance.

scholarly journals Lizenz- und Gestattungsproduktion westdeutscher Unternehmen in der ČSSR und der DDR

2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 467-487
Author(s):  
Pavel Szobi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
German Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
The West ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Institutional Conditions ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Business Relations

Abstract The article deals with economic relations between the Federal Republic of Germany, German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia during the Cold War. Using the example of licensed production, its aim is to illustrate that in spite of ideological boundaries, business relations between West and East flourished in the period of the 1970s and 1980s. The author characterizes institutional conditions for this cooperation, names individual cooperation attempts, and uses the example of the well-known German brand Nivea as a symbol of the West and an example of a successful cooperation. The article reveals the intensive activities of West German companies and their investments in the GDR and Czechoslovakia long before 1989 and shows the potential of analyzing the German-German and the European transformation after 1989 more under the perspective of continuities and discontinuities.

Cold War Strategies/Power and Culture—East

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Zubok
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
International Behavior ◽  
Cold War Consensus

This chapter examines the root motives behind the Soviet struggle against the West and the paradigm of Soviet international behavior related to the Cold War. It suggests that decolonization contributed to the Cold War because the decline of European colonial empires in the 1950s created irresistible temptations for Soviet leaders to intervene in parts of the globe previously beyond their reach. The chapter also suggests that the Soviet Cold War consensus began to crumble when the key tenets of the revolutionary-imperial paradigm became suspect in the 1960s and 1970s. These tenets held that the West was determined to destroy the Soviet Union and its “socialist empire” by force.

Victory and the West

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Jussi M. Hanhimäki
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Transatlantic Relations ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
The West ◽  
Transatlantic Cooperation ◽  
Military Command ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Out Of Area

This chapter examines the state of transatlantic relations at the end of the Cold War. It takes particular issue with the notion that the Cold War had been a golden age of transatlantic cooperation. The Cold War had witnessed the emergence of a transatlantic community. But that community had been in a perpetual state of inner conflict and disagreement. NATO had almost fallen apart in the 1960s when France exited the alliance’s unified military command. Conflicts over burden-sharing and out-of-area engagements, over national subsidies and trade rules had been frequent. Before the Berlin Wall came down, the alliance had already survived, even thrived, through many internal crises. Paradoxically, when the Cold War in Europe ended, the “West” was at the same time more diverse and more united than at any time in the past.

scholarly journals The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990

2008 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN ZIEMANN
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Systems Theory ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Peace Movement ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Nuclear Mass ◽  
The West ◽  
Peace Movements ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Double Track

The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.

Between Academia and Politics: Latin American Studies in Germany during the Cold War

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-Jürgen Puhle
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Latin American ◽  
American Studies ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
Latin American Studies ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Foundations ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

Latin American studies in Germany from the 1960s on developed in two waves with (partial) crises and periods of stagnation in between. Whereas in the communist GDR they were affected by the limited scope of academic endeavors and their instrumentalization for state and party politics and policies, in the Federal Republic interdisciplinary Latin American studies had two tiers (within the universities and outside as independent research institutes) and were shaped by the particular structure of funding schemes and agencies and by “triggers” such as the Cuban Revolution, the Chilean coup, the arrival of exiles, and the presence of the Latin American revolutionary experience in the debates of the West German student movement after 1968. While many of the West German features were shared with other Western countries, significant differences emerged because of Germany’s short colonial tradition, the Cold War rivalry between the Federal Republic and the GDR, and the fact that political foundations such as the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation played a key role not only in designing and implementing government-financed development aid projects in Latin America but also in helping to promote and shape a new takeoff for Latin American studies (a uniquely German constellation). A partir de la década de 1960, los estudios alemanes sobre Latinoamérica se desarrollaron en dos oleadas, con crisis (parciales) y períodos de estancamiento en el proceso. En la RDA comunista, la investigación se vio afectada por el alcance limitado de los esfuerzos académicos y su instrumentalización para políticas estatales y partidarias. En la República Federal, los estudios interdisciplinarios latinoamericanos se desarrollaron en dos ámbitos (universidades además de lugares externos como institutos de investigación independientes) y obedeciendo a estructuras y agencias de financiamiento particulares, así como “factores detonantes” (por ejemplo, la Revolución Cubana, el golpe de estado en Chile, la llegada de exiliados y la presencia de la experiencia revolucionaria latinoamericana en los debates del movimiento estudiantil de Alemania Occidental después de 1968). Mientras que muchas de las características de la República Federal eran compartidas por otros países occidentales, surgieron diferencias significativas a partir de la corta tradición colonial alemana, la rivalidad entre la República Federal y la RDA durante la Guerra Fría, y el hecho de que patronatos políticos como la Fundación Konrad Adenauer y la Fundación Friedrich Ebert desempeñaron un papel clave no solo en el diseño e implementación de proyectos gubernamentales de ayuda al desarrollo en Latinoamérica, sino también en promover y encaminar los estudios latinoamericanos (en una constelación exclusivamente alemana).

scholarly journals The Sanctuary and the Glacis: France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Nuclear Weapons in the 1980s (Part 1)

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 119-179
Author(s):  
Frédéric Bozo
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
The West ◽  
International Standing ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Two Sides

This article explores efforts at bridging the nuclear gap between France and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) during the last decade of the Cold War. It does so by examining the various manifestations of this gap: the two sides’ relative international standing in light of France's possession of nuclear weapons and the FRG's decision to forswear them; the two countries’ different commitments to the military components of NATO; their shared but differing aspirations for a more autonomous Western Europe; and their differing outlooks on conventional and tactical nuclear military options, an issue on which they found it particularly hard to reconcile their views. Ultimately, they were not able to overcome the dilemmas of nuclear sharing, but progress was made during that crucial period in narrowing the differences between these two important countries whose bilateral relationship was essential for the West at large.

Mind Bending, Mental Seduction and Menticide: Brainwashing in British Spy Dramas of the 1960s

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Burton
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Thought Control ◽  
Cultural Contexts ◽  
Scientific Background ◽  
Mind Control ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Mind ◽  
Cultural Fantasy

Brainwashing assumed the proportions of a cultural fantasy during the Cold War period. The article examines the various political, scientific and cultural contexts of brainwashing, and proceeds to a consideration of the place of mind control in British spy dramas made for cinema and television in the 1960s and 1970s. Particular attention is given to the films The Mind Benders (1963) and The Ipcress File (1965), and to the television dramas Man in a Suitcase (1967–8), The Prisoner (1967–8) and Callan (1967–81), which gave expression to the anxieties surrounding thought-control. Attention is given to the scientific background to the representations of brainwashing, and the significance of spy scandals, treasons and treacheries as a distinct context to the appearance of brainwashing on British screens.

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