2. Political Centralization to Cultural Centralization

2020 ◽  
pp. 20-38
2007 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
pp. 871-889 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bård Harstad

For two districts or countries that try to internalize externalities, I analyze a bargaining game under private information. I derive conditions for when it is efficient with uniform policies across regions—with and without side payments—and when it is efficient to prohibit side payments in the negotiations. While policy differentiation and side payments allow the policy to better reflect local conditions, they create conflicts between the regions and, thus, delay. The results also describe when political centralization outperforms decentralized cooperation, and they provide a theoretical foundation for the controversial “uniformity assumption” traditionally used by the fiscal federalism literature. (JEL C78, D72, D82, H77)


Author(s):  
Douglas M. Gibler

The first argument that the democratic peace may, in fact, be the product of a larger, territorial peace among states was published in 2007. The argument was based on the strong findings associating territorial issues with conflict. Territorial issues may, in fact, be so salient to the domestic population that they force political centralization and the maintenance of non-democratic governments. This also implies that democracies are likely to be members of a group of states that have resolved their latent territorial issues with neighbors; absent these threats to the state, democracies are faced with few issues over which to fight. That argument is described here, providing a comprehensive discussion of why territorial issues are so salient to the domestic population and the effects of that salience on the polity.


1986 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Law

The rise of the kingdom of Dahomey coincided with the growth of the slave trade in the area, and consequently has often served as a case study of the impact of the slave trade upon African societies. The article reviews the historiography of the rise of Dahomey, in an attempt to clarify the relationship between the nature of the Dahomian state and its participation in the slave trade. It considers, and refutes, the view that the rulers of Dahomey had originally intended to bring the slave trade to an end. It examines the militaristic character of the Dahomian state, and suggests that this is best understood as a consequence of increased warfare stimulated by the overseas market for war captives. Finally, it examines and partially endorses those views which have presented the political centralization of Dahomey as a constructive response to the problems of order posed by slave-raiding.


2006 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
José D’Assunção Barros

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a violência simbólica presente nas sociedades medievais ibéricas dos séculos XIII e XIV, examinando a poesia e práticas trovadorescas do período. Dentro do contexto histórico da centralização régia do período medieval, o texto analisa algumas cantigas trovadorescas galego-portuguesas nas quais podem ser vistas as tensões sociais entre trovadores oriundos de diferentes categorias sociais, e também envolvendo trovadores em oposição ao rei. Abstract The subject of this article is to discuss the symbolic violence in the Iberian medieval societies from the XIII and XIV centuries, examining the troubadours practice and poetry of this period. In the historical context of the medieval centralization around the kingdom, the text analyses Galego-Portuguese chants in witch ones we can see the social tensions between troubadours from different social categories, and also troubadours in opposition in relation to the king. Palavras-chaves: Trovadores medievais ibéricos. Violência simbólica. Centralização política. Key words: Iberian medieval troubadours. Symbolic violence. Political centralization.


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