The Territorial Peace: A Research Program

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas M. Gibler
Keyword(s):  
Research Program ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Political Centralization ◽  
Comprehensive Discussion

The first argument that the democratic peace may, in fact, be the product of a larger, territorial peace among states was published in 2007. The argument was based on the strong findings associating territorial issues with conflict. Territorial issues may, in fact, be so salient to the domestic population that they force political centralization and the maintenance of non-democratic governments. This also implies that democracies are likely to be members of a group of states that have resolved their latent territorial issues with neighbors; absent these threats to the state, democracies are faced with few issues over which to fight. That argument is described here, providing a comprehensive discussion of why territorial issues are so salient to the domestic population and the effects of that salience on the polity.

scholarly journals GEOCULTURAL APPROACH OF THE WORLDOUTLOOK RESEARCH PROGRAM: ON THE PROBLEM OF INTERACTION OF LIBERAL AND TRADITIONAL STANDARDS

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-124
Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kalinin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Research Program ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Regulation ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church

The reсonsidering of the methodological foundations of modern theoretical jurisprudence includes both the search for new approaches and the identification of the limits and conditions for their adequacy. At the same time, the needs for studying the interaction of the value-worldoutlook nature and the spatial conditionality of the state and law, considered in the logic of an open system, correspond with the geocultural approach. This approach is based on the multi-valued category “geoculture”, that allows one to comprehend the cultural codes and meanings of the transformation of reality and space (world projects), including those that exist as ideas about ideal forms of public power and social regulation. The geocultural approach may be part of such methodological phenomena as the worldoutlook research program, world-system analysis and geomeasurement. At the present stage, the geocultural approach of the worldoutlook research program is most suitable for analyzing the conflict of geocultures, allowing to take into account the replacement of geocultural standards, the crisis of the modern capita list world economy, legitimized by liberal geoculture, and the search for new mo dels of world order, carried out in the framework of the conflict of liberal and traditional values. The importance of understanding this conflict is due to the critical attitude of liberalism towards traditional statehood, its fulfillment of the role of an instrument of “controlled chaos” and an instrument of dominance of the West. The reсonsidering of liberal geoculture is permissible on the basis of the doctrines of traditional religious faiths, among which the Russian Orthodox Church is dominant in the post-Soviet space. Liberal geoculture is a multidimensional phenomenon, which at the same time puts forward the idea of protecting human rights and freedoms, and is an instrument for implementation of an elitist policy, characterized by excessive criticality in relation to the state and government, as well as any categories reflecting collective soli darity. Moreover, human rights, which are an integral part of liberal geoculture, initially stem from the Christian idea of a man as an ontologically free human being, the image and likeness of God, whose status metaphysically extends to anyone, but only his own. Substantially there are three interdependent problems in the phenomenon of human rights, the answer to which predetermines the practice of legal regulation: who is a person (in a particular geoculture), who is recognized as the ontological subject of human rights violations, who is recognized as the relevant subject of human rights protection. The complexity of the attitude of traditional Christianity to human rights, including denial (due to historical reasons for using human rights to marginalize Christianity), understanding, and recognition, is confirmed by the historical practice of the Russian Orthodox Church, which positively interprets this phenomenon in its conceptual documents at the present stage. The foregoing makes it expedient to use the canonical positions and official documents of traditional religious faiths in lawmaking and lawenforcement practice, which are the Russian Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches for Belarus.

The Selectorate Theory and International Politics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randolph M. Siverson ◽  
Bruce Bueno de Mesquita
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Extended Family ◽  
Winning Coalition ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Private Goods ◽  
Foreign Government ◽  
Selectorate Theory ◽  
Clean Air

The Selectorate Theory is based upon one simple, perhaps even commonplace assumption: Once in office, leaders want to remain in office. They have a variety of tools to enhance their longevity in office, but the theory hypothesizes the leader’s allocation of two types of goods will be paramount in their efforts. One good is private, meaning that it is enjoyed by those to whom it is allocated and not to others. Such goods would include money, jobs, opportunities for corruption, but their hallmark is that they are not shared. These goods may be given to one individual or to a group, but they are not shared outside those to whom they are given. The second type of good is public and is shared by all those in the state. These goods would include potable water, clean air, education, and, importantly, national defense. There is little unique about the Selectorate Theory’s understanding of these goods, as they approximate ideas from economics. The importance and values of these two goods depend critically on the political institutions of the state. The Selectorate Theory identifies two political institutions of dominant importance: The Selectorate, from which it takes its name; and the Winning Coalition. The former consists of all those people who have a role in selecting the state’s leader. This group may be large, as in the electorate in democratic states, or small, as in the case of an extended family or a junta. In unusual circumstances it can even be a group outside the state, as when a foreign government either imposes or influences choices made inside the state. The winning coalition may be large, but not larger than the selectorate, or it may be as small as an extended family or a junta, groups that essentially constitute the selectorate. Variations in these two institutions can have important consequences for how the state conducts its foreign policy. For example, leaders in states with small winning coalitions should be able to take greater risks in their policies because if these fail, they will be able to mobilize and distribute private goods to reinforce their position. If these goods are not readily available, it is possible to purge non-critical supporters and redistribute their goods to others. These institutions are also important in identifying the kinds of issues over which states are more or less likely to enter into conflict. States with small winning coalitions are more likely to enter into disputes over things that can be redistributed to supporters, such as land or resources. Large winning coalitions will have little use for such goods, since the ratio of coalition size and goods to be distributed is likely to be exiguous. The Selectorate Theory also provides a firm analysis of the foundations for the idea of the Democratic Peace, which has been generally either lacking or imprecise. Despite its clarity, some interpretations of the Selectorate Theory have led to mistaken inferences about what it says. We discuss several of these and close with a consideration of the need for improvement in the measurement of key variables.

Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918–88

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 512-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Rousseau ◽  
Christopher Gelpi ◽  
Dan Reiter ◽  
Paul K. Huth
Keyword(s):  
Strong Support ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Confounding Variable ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
The Status

The literature on the democratic peace has emerged from two empirical claims: (1) Democracies are unlikely to conflict with one another, and (2) democracies are as prone to conflict with nondemocracies as nondemocracies are with one another. Together these assertions imply that the democratic peace is a dyadic phenomenon. There is strong support for the first observation, but much recent scholarship contravenes the second. This paper assesses whether the democratic peace is a purely dyadic, a monadic, or perhaps a mixed dyadic and monadic effect. Our analysis offers two important advances. First, our model directly compares the dyadic and monadic explanations by using the state as the unit of analysis rather than the potentially problematic dyad. Second, our model controls for an important but overlooked confounding variable: satisfaction with the status quo. Our results indicate that the initiation of violence within crises is predominantly a dyadic phenomenon, but we also find evidence suggesting a strong monadic effect regarding the emergence of crises.

scholarly journals No Rest for the Democratic Peace

2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID KINSELLA
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Inference ◽  
Research Program ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Causal Mechanisms ◽  
Democratic Peace Theory ◽  
Empirical Regularity

Proponents of the democratic peace are accustomed to criticism. Early refutations of the research program's findings focused on questions of measurement and statistical inference. Skepticism about such matters has not fully subsided, but many more now accept the democratic peace as an empirical regularity. The aim of recent complaints has shifted to democratic peace theory. The typical approach has been to highlight select historical events that appear anomalous in light of the theory and the causal mechanisms it identifies. Sebastian Rosato's (2003) is one such critique, noteworthy for the range of causal propositions held up for scrutiny and the unequivocal rejection of them all. But Rosato fails to appreciate the dyadic logic central to democratic peace theory, and much of his criticism is therefore misdirected. Those cases that remain unexplained by the theory are not especially problematic for this progressively evolving research program.

scholarly journals Farmers’ Trait Preferences for Varietal Replacement: A study to boost rice productivity in Odisha, India

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-23
Author(s):  
Sk Mosharaf Hossain
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Research Program ◽  
The State ◽  
Breeding Program ◽  
Rice Varieties ◽  
Rice Productivity ◽  
Research Outcomes ◽  
Trait Preferences ◽  
Ideal Variety ◽  
Productivity Enhancement

The average age of the popular rice varieties being grown in the state of Odisha is higher than the stipulated 10-year timeframe. This is an obstacle to productivity enhancement through varietal replacement. Farmers in Odisha growing these varieties have expressed their desired traits for replacement of these long-grown varieties. The desired characters of an ideal variety have been mapped for major older varieties. Since varietal fitment and farmer’s choice vary widely between rice eco logies, the research outcomes were compartmentalized between medium and lowland. Thus, these research outcomes will be crucially helpful for breeding program to develop varieties that match evinced expectation of the farmers. The ranking of trait preferences will also augment the varietal research program to the exact needs of the rice growers in the state. Rice productivity in Odisha is one of the least in the country. Replacement of existing older varieties with a high yielder as per farmers’ choice is a strategic way to boost the productivity. The findings with regard to current varietal landscape, farmers’ trait preferences are crucially important for augmenting rice productivity and strengthening food security in the state.

scholarly journals Kultur Arab dalam Hadis Pemimpin Negara dari Suku Quraysh

MUTAWATIR ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 243
Author(s):  
Moh. Misbakhul Khoir
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
The State ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
Normal Life ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Arab Societies ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Comprehensive Discussion

<p>This article wants to present a comprehensive discussion of related interventions arabic culture elements which to some extent has influenced the style of thinking and normal life of the Prophet in the hadith leaders expressed in the State of Quraysh. This is given in addition to as an Apostle, Muhammad also serves as head of state, warlords, judges, community leaders, husband and personal. As an Arab man who lives in the community and the arabic culture, the environment and the interaction with the surrounding culture has its own influence on the habits and behavior. Consequently, what comes from the Prophet Muhammad must exist in between which is the culture of Arab societies at the time. Hadith state leaders of Quraysh, for example, is a statement of the Prophet Muhammad based on considerations of arabic culture at that time. Socio-historical, Quraysh is a decent clan inherited the throne of leadership, due to the advantages that are not found in other ethnic groups at the time. Thus, the actual terms of the Quraysh merely symbolic terms.</p>

Liberalism and Security

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Owen IV
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
International Interaction ◽  
The Individual

Liberalism has always been concerned with security, albeit the security of the individual; institutions, including the state, are all established and sustained by individuals and instrumental to their desires. Indeed, liberalism cannot be understood apart from its normative commitment to individualism. The tradition insists that all persons deserve, and it evaluates institutions according to how far they help individuals achieve these goals. Nor is liberalism anti-statist. Liberal theory has paid particular attention to the state as the institution defined by its ability to make individuals secure and aid their commodious living. Although liberal security literature that only examines individual states’ foreign policies may be guilty of denouncing the role of international interaction, the general liberal claim argues that the international system, under broad conditions, permits states choices. As such, for liberalism, states can choose over time to create and sustain international conditions under which they will be more or less secure. Liberalism’s history can be traced from the proto-liberalism in the Reformation to the emergence of the social contract theory and neo-theories, as well as liberalism’s focus on increasing security. Meanwhile, current debates in liberalism include the democratic peace and its progeny, reformulations of liberal international relations (IR) theory, and meta-theory. Ultimately, liberalism’s most striking recent successes concern the democratic peace and related research on democratic advantages in international cooperation. Liberalism is a useful guide to international security insofar as individuals and the groups they organize affect or erode states.

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