Love for the Homeland Is Not an Empty Phrase for Me

2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 74-77
Author(s):  
Zdeněk Pousta

Having passed his secondary-school graduation exam, the young patriot Jaroslav Cisař left Brno to study mathematics and astronomy in New York. He reacted to the fire of war in 1914 by his active engagement in anti-Austrian resistance, whose aim was the restoration of the independence of the Czech nation. After the arrival of T. G. Masaryk in the United States, he became his personal secretary in the spring of 1918. Following the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic, he worked at the Czechoslovak embassy in London, from 1927 in the newspaper Lidove noviny in Brno. After the occupation, he left for emigration, where he was involved in the tasks of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After the change in the political situation in 1948, he was released from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was fortunate enough to be employed as an astronomer at the University of St Andrews in Scotland. From the 1970s, he struggled with normalisation authorities over his return to the homeland. That was successfully accomplished in 1980.

1993 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-151
Author(s):  
R. William Orr ◽  
Richard H. Fluegeman

In 1990 (Fluegeman and Orr) the writers published a short study on known North American cyclocystoids. This enigmatic group is best represented in the United States Devonian by only two specimens, both illustrated in the 1990 report. Previously, the Cortland, New York, specimen initially described by Heaslip (1969) was housed at State University College at Cortland, New York, and the Logansport, Indiana, specimen was housed at Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana. Both institutions recognize the importance of permanently placing these rare specimens in a proper paleontologic repository with other cyclocystoids. Therefore, these two specimens have been transferred to the curated paleontologic collection at the University of Cincinnati Geological Museum where they can be readily studied by future workers in association with a good assemblage of Ordovician specimens of the Cyclocystoidea.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
Khaled Elgindy

This essay looks at the hearing held by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives in April 1922 on the subject of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, as well as the broader congressional debate over the Balfour Declaration at that crucial time. The landmark hearing, which took place against the backdrop of growing unrest in Palestine and just prior to the League of Nations' formal approval of Britain's Mandate over Palestine, offers a glimpse into the cultural and political mindset underpinning U.S. support for the Zionist project at the time as well as the ways in which the political discourse in the United States has, or has not, changed since then. Despite the overwhelming support for the Zionist project in Congress, which unanimously endorsed Balfour in September 1922, the hearing examined all aspects of the issue and included a remarkably diverse array of viewpoints, including both anti-Zionist Jewish and Palestinian Arab voices.


1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.


Author(s):  
Lorrin Thomas

Puerto Rican migrants have resided in the United States since before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, when the United States took possession of the island of Puerto Rico as part of the Treaty of Paris. After the war, groups of Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States as contract laborers, first to sugarcane plantations in Hawaii, and then to other destinations on the mainland. After the Jones Act of 1917 extended U.S. citizenship to islanders, Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States in larger numbers, establishing their largest base in New York City. Over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, a vibrant and heterogeneous colonia developed there, and Puerto Ricans participated actively both in local politics and in the increasingly contentious politics of their homeland, whose status was indeterminate until it became a commonwealth in 1952. The Puerto Rican community in New York changed dramatically after World War II, accommodating up to fifty thousand new migrants per year during the peak of the “great migration” from the island. Newcomers faced intense discrimination and marginalization in this era, defined by both a Cold War ethos and liberal social scientists’ interest in the “Puerto Rican problem.” Puerto Rican migrant communities in the 1950s and 1960s—now rapidly expanding into the Midwest, especially Chicago, and into New Jersey, Connecticut, and Philadelphia—struggled with inadequate housing and discrimination in the job market. In local schools, Puerto Rican children often faced a lack of accommodation of their need for English language instruction. Most catastrophic for Puerto Rican communities, on the East Coast particularly, was the deindustrialization of the labor market over the course of the 1960s. By the late 1960s, in response to these conditions and spurred by the civil rights, Black Power, and other social movements, young Puerto Ricans began organizing and protesting in large numbers. Their activism combined a radical approach to community organizing with Puerto Rican nationalism and international anti-imperialism. The youth were not the only activists in this era. Parents in New York had initiated, together with their African American neighbors, a “community control” movement that spanned the late 1960s and early 1970s; and many other adult activists pushed the politics of the urban social service sector—the primary institutions in many impoverished Puerto Rican communities—further to the left. By the mid-1970s, urban fiscal crises and the rising conservative backlash in national politics dealt another blow to many Puerto Rican communities in the United States. The Puerto Rican population as a whole was now widely considered part of a national “underclass,” and much of the political energy of Puerto Rican leaders focused on addressing the paucity of both basic material stability and social equality in their communities. Since the 1980s, however, Puerto Ricans have achieved some economic gains, and a growing college-educated middle class has managed to gain more control over the cultural representations of their communities. More recently, the political salience of Puerto Ricans as a group has begun to shift. For the better part of the 20th century, Puerto Ricans in the United States were considered numerically insignificant or politically impotent (or both); but in the last two presidential elections (2008 and 2012), their growing populations in the South, especially in Florida, have drawn attention to their demographic significance and their political sensibilities.


1990 ◽  
Vol 64 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 149-208
Author(s):  
Redactie KITLV

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