A Cypriot city-kingdom for sale. Looking for political implications in two Tamassian bilingual inscriptions

Kadmos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 63-76
Author(s):  
Beatrice Pestarino

Abstract This new study of two bilingual inscriptions from Tamassos (ICS 265; ICS 215) provides information on the political status of this Cypriot city-state in the fourth century BC. In these years, Tamassos had remained independent, before king Pasikypros sold it to Pummayaton king of Kition (Duris, FGrH (BNJ) 76 F 4). Language and content of the bilingual texts are analysed and a few changes are made as compared to the previous editions. The inscriptions’ dating formulas with the name of king Milkyaton, king of Kition, provide evidence of the presence of Kitians in Tamassos already in the decades before the sale. Although Tamassos was landlocked and did not have a harbour, it may have entered into trade agreements with Kition in order to use its port to export copper productions. This may have laid the foundations for the future sale.

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 178
Author(s):  
Adegboyega O. Oyekunle

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political corruption on the Nigerian society. It examines the future of the political status of Nigeria given the present experiences in the polity. The paper employs the analytic and critical method of philosophy, with a view to showing the influence of Machiavelli’s political philosophy on the Nigerian political elites. The central argument of this paper is that the interpretation of politics in the Machiavellian way, its adoption and practice by Nigerian political elites stand as the root cause of political corruption in the country.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Trotter

For Japan and Britain, 1934 was a year when naval policy was a major issue. During that year, decisions had to be made on the future of the Washington and London naval disarmament treaties, and, for both Tokyo and London, the political implications of the abrogation or renewal of these treaties were at least as important as the technical. The Japanese Government could not afford to renew the treaties, the British Government could not afford to see them go. In this situation, the feasibility of an Anglo-Japanese non-aggression pact, one of the purposes of which would be to check the demands of the Japanese navy, was seriously considered by the British.


1998 ◽  
Vol 23 (01) ◽  
pp. 81-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eve Darian-Smith

When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember that virtue is not hereditary. —Thomas Paine, Common Sense Common sense creates the folklore of the future, a relatively rigidified phase of popular knowledge in a given time and place. Antonio Gramsci, Selections


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane S Fruchtman ◽  
Chan Sok Park

Once we acknowledge that we cannot escape politics in the classroom, it is imperative that we, as instructors, adapt our pedagogy accordingly, with the knowledge that our choices in the classroom will replicate, reinforce, or resist the political status quo. The political embeddedness of religion makes this all the more urgent for instructors of Religious Studies, as we attempt to guide students through explorations of communities, identities, histories, ideologies, and representations of human experience which all have political implications in the present. This article delineates several parameters for crafting our pedagogical initiatives, offering classroom climate considerations to keep in mind while we establish our own best practices. It then offers several suggestions—structural, instructor-focused, and student-focused—of best practices to implement in the Religious Studies classroom so as to achieve optimal learning outcomes for all of our students. Key among our conclusions is that inclusive pedagogy is effective pedagogy in Religious Studies.


1958 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 185-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Perlman

In his speech against Meidias Demosthenes describes the arrogant and proud behaviour of his opponent in which Meidias persists in spite of the popular vote condemning him. Whenever there is voting, Demosthenes says, Meidias is put forward as a candidate; he is the proxenos of Plutarch, he knows everything, the city is too small for his aspirations. This illustration of the enormous popularity of an Athenian politician shows his predominant influence in the two spheres of domestic and foreign policy. The main line of this foreign policy —the passage is obviously intended as an accusation—is expressed by the relationship of proxenia and xenia between Meidias and Plutarch, the leading politician of Eretria who, pro-Athenian at first, changed his attitude and almost brought disaster on the Athenian army intervening in Euboea.


Author(s):  
Pieter Duvenage

Human participation in a scarred and frenzied world: C.K. Oberholzer, phenomenology and PretoriaThis article focuses on the living presence of phenomenology as an intellectual tradition at the University of Pretoria, and more specifically the role of C.K. Oberholzer (1904–1983) in creating a space for such reflection. The article consists of four (interrelated) parts: the founding years of philosophy at the University of Pretoria against the colonial backdrop of the British Empire, and the rise of Oberholzer under different circumstances in the 1930s; a succinct definition and description of phenomenology in four chronological waves of influence over the last century; the specific way in which Oberholzer interpreted and appropriated phenomenology in the Pretoria context; and finally, the political implications of Oberholzer’s phenomenology and philosophical anthropology in the apartheid years, the present as well as the future.


2015 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 883-903 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmett Macfarlane

This article critically examines the Supreme Court of Canada’s opinion in the Senate Reform Reference from the perspective of its coherence in interpreting the various amending procedures in Part V of the Constitution Act, 1982. It analyzes the ways that the underlying logic of the Court’s reasoning, particularly with respect to the method of selecting senators and senatorial term limits, creates ambiguity and risks unintended consequences for future attempts at constitutional amendment. The Court’s explicit refusal to distinguish between the federal government’s unilateral ability to enact a retirement age and its logic that term limits, regardless of length, require the consent of the provinces under the general amending procedure lacks logical consistency and arguably erodes the unilateral amending procedure to a problematic degree. In the context of its reasoning with respect to changes to the method of selecting senators, the Court’s reliance on the amorphous notion of the “constitutional architecture” clouds the definable limits of “method of selection” under section 42(1)(b). The Senate Reform Reference introduces considerable ambiguity into what changes the federal executive can implement with respect to the appointments process itself. The article concludes by exploring the political implications that the decision has for the future of Senate reform specifically and for our ability to amend the constitution generally.


2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Mark T. Kozlowski

Political corruption in India is a perennial problem that has recently been exposed by two spectacular scandals involving the sale of telecommunications spectrum and the troubled 2010 Commonwealth Games. A disgust for this graft and corruption bred a massive protest in Delhi with a hunger strike by veteran activist Kisan Baburao “Anna” Hazare as its centerpiece. Hazare demanded the passage of a specific version of a bill that would establish an anti-corruption ombudsman called the Jan Lokpal. After Hazare had starved himself for approximately two weeks, the Indian parliament passed the legislation that Hazare had demanded. In this article, I examine the political implications of this movement, as well as whether or not the Lokpal will be effective in its mission of combating corruption.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Shane Fruchtman ◽  
Chan Sok Park

Once we acknowledge that we cannot escape politics in the classroom, it is imperative that we, as instructors, adapt our pedagogy accordingly, with the knowledge that our choices in the classroom will replicate, reinforce, or resist the political status quo. The political embeddedness of religion makes this all the more urgent for instructors of Religious Studies, as we attempt to guide students through explorations of communities, identities, histories, ideologies, and representations of human experience which all have political implications in the present. This article delineates several parameters for crafting our pedagogical initiatives, offering classroom climate considerations to keep in mind while we establish our own best practices. It then offers several suggestions—structural, instructor-focused, and student-focused—of best practices to implement in the Religious Studies classroom so as to achieve optimal learning outcomes for all of our students. Key among our conclusions is that inclusive pedagogy is effective pedagogy in Religious Studies.


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