Decomposing and deducing the Coordinate Structure Constraint

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiromune Oda
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Interface Condition ◽  
Contextual Approach ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Linguistic Data ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
The Cross ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint

Abstract The article shows that the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) can be violated in a number of languages and establishes a novel cross-linguistic generalization regarding languages that allow violations of the CSC. A phase-based deduction of this generalization is then provided under a particular contextual approach to phases. In addition, based on the cross-linguistic data regarding violations of the CSC, it is argued that the CSC should be separated into two conditions: (i) the ban on extraction of a conjunct, and (ii) the ban on extraction out of a conjunct. This means that the whole coordinate structure (ConjP) as well as individual conjuncts are islands independently of each other. The article also addresses the long-standing debate regarding where in the grammar the CSC applies, arguing that the two different conditions that result from the separation of the traditional CSC ((i) and (ii) above) are deduced from different mechanisms in the architecture of the grammar: one is a purely syntactic condition, and the other is an interface condition.

scholarly journals Restoring Exotic Coordinations to Normalcy

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyle Johnson
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
Final Word ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Constraint Violation ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint ◽  
Finite Verb

I analyze two instances in German where coordinations seem to violate Ross's (1967) Coordinate Structure Constraint. I follow Schwarz 1998 and argue that the two constructions are underlyingly the same, one deriving from the other through gapping. Using the thesis that the verb-final word order in German involves a short leftward movement of the finite verb or verb phrase, I provide a method of avoiding the Coordinate Structure Constraint violation that would otherwise be expected.

On Movement out of Moved Elements, Labels, and Phases

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Željko Bošković
Keyword(s):  
Verb Second ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Left Branch ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Quantifier Float ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint

The article deduces a modified version of the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements that provides a new perspective on it. Under the proposed analysis, the problem with the movement of YP out of moved XP does not arise at the point where YP moves out of XP, as in previous accounts. Instead, it arises already with the movement of XP: XP itself cannot undergo movement in this case. Any later movement out of XP is then trivially blocked. The proposed analysis leaves room for movement out of moved elements to take place in well-defined contexts. Several constructions bear this out, including German/Dutch r-pronoun constructions, Slavic left-branch extraction, and quantifier float more generally. What the proposed analysis deduces is then not the traditional ban on movement out of moved elements, but a ban on movement of phases with nonagreeing specifiers, which the article argues should replace the former ban. As a result, the analysis also extends to the immobility of verb-second clauses in German. The article also provides a new perspective on the Adjunct Condition (the ban on movement out of adjuncts). It shows that movement out of adjuncts is possible in the same configuration as movement out of moved elements. The proposed account of the latter is then extended to the Adjunct Condition. The article also proposes a labeling-based account of the Coordinate Structure Constraint, which also captures the across-the-board-movement exception.

Coherence relation and clause linkage

2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 424-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawei Jin
Keyword(s):  
Exact Formulation ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Coherence Relations ◽  
Coherence Relation ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
Coordinate Structures ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint

Abstract This paper proposes that adjunct island effects (Ross, 1967; Cattell, 1976) receive a discourse-semantic explanation. The exact formulation of this explanation builds upon previous work (e.g. Kehler, 2002) on island effects of conjuncts (Ross, 1967), which explains asymmetrical extraction from coordinate structures in English (that is, violations of the coordinate structure constraint) in terms of certain coherence relations (Hobbs, 1979). I show that asymmetric extraction from adjuncts in Chinese (that is, violations of the adjunct island constraint) is also sensitive to coherence relations. I argue that such similarities exist because coherence relations may be expressed by either a coordinative or a subordinative structure, and the variation in the syntactic realizations of coherence relations can be characterized through an independently motivated interclausal relations hierarchy that governs the mapping between semantics and syntactic linkage (van Valin, 2005).

Des "That Clauses" Prépositionnelles En Anglais

1984 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-303
Author(s):  
Peter Freckleton
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Linguistic Data ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Cross ◽  
English Syntax

In studies of English complementation, noun clauses introduced by the complementizer that, in contrast with simple substantives and -ing forms, are almost invariably assumed to be incompatible with prepositional structure. Where an underlying preposition is nevertheless postulated in the interests of generality, its deletion before a that clause is de rigueur. Thus, the verb insist, for example, accepts some prepositional complements: Max insists on punctuality, Max insists on Mary's being punctual, but when a that-clause is involved, such a construction is ungrammatical: *Max insists on that Mary be punctual. The complement apparently must stand alone, without a preposition: Max insists that Mary be punctual. The present paper aims at showing that these clauses may also be found in prepositional complements, for at least 40 verbs, when the pronoun it appears on the surface, as in Max insists on it that Mary be punctual. This facet of English syntax in fact resembles what is observed in at least two Romance languages. In French, there exist sentences like Le ministre consent à ce que le musée soit démoli, le ministre s'est étonné de ce que le musée soit démoli. Only à and de may be found in these constructions (in English a wide range of prepositions is used). The presence of ce is necessary. Italian, on the other hand, has a construction in which no lexical material is required between preposition and clause; the cross-linguistic data suggest that this intervening material is not universally obligatory. Further, the juxtaposition of it with that clauses is independently motivated for English. It is proposed, therfore, that the paradigm of prepositional complementation be enriched to include that clauses among the possible constituents.

scholarly journals Probing the nature of an island constraint with a parsed corpus: A case study on the Coordinate Structure Constraint in Japanese

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuke Kubota ◽  
Ai Kubota
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Data ◽  
Methodological Issues ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Linguistic Research ◽  
Syntactic Constraint ◽  
The Status ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint

This paper presents a case study of the use of the NINJAL Parsed Corpus of Modern Japanese (NPCMJ) for syntactic research. NPCMJ is the first phrase structure-based treebank for Japanese that is specifically designed for application in linguistic (in addition to NLP) research. After discussing some basic methodological issues pertaining to the use of treebanks for theoretical linguistics research, we introduce our case study on the status of the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) in Japanese, showing that NPCMJ enables us to easily retrieve examples that support one of the key claims of Kubota and Lee (2015): that the CSC should be viewed as a pragmatic, rather than a syntactic constraint. The corpus-based study we conducted moreover revealed a previously unnoticed tendency that was highly relevant for further clarifying the principles governing the empirical data in question. We conclude the paper by briefly discussing some further methodological issues brought up by our case study pertaining to the relationship between linguistic research and corpus development.

scholarly journals Reconsidering the coordinate structure constraint in Japanese and Korean: Syntactic constraint or pragmatic principle?

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusuke Kubota ◽  
Jungmee Lee
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Coordinate Structure ◽  
Syntactic Constraint ◽  
Pragmatic Principle ◽  
Structure Constraint ◽  
Coordinate Structure Constraint

Whether the Coordinate Structure Constraint (CSC) (Ross, 1967) is a syntactic constraint has been discussed much in the literature. This paper reconsiders this issue by drawing on evidence from Japanese and Korean. Our examination of the CSC patterns in relative clauses in the two languages reveals that a pragmatically-based approach along the lines of Kehler (2002) predicts the relevant empirical patterns straightforwardly whereas alternative syntactic approaches run into many problems. We take these results to provide strong support for the view that the CSC is a pragmatic principle rather than a syntactic constraint.

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