Reducing Implicit Liabilities: The New Stability Pact Will (Moderately) Help

2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Buti ◽  
João Nogueira Martins

AbstractThe EU fiscal framework has often been criticised for not providing Member States with the right incentives to adopt structural reforms which would reduce implicit liabilities and improve sustainability. The Pact, as reformed in 2005, now includes a number of provisions that explicitly consider sustainability and the need of Member States of embarking in bold structural measures that contribute to reduce their implicit liabilities. The pressure for short-term consolidation in SGP-I has, in part, shifted towards structural reforms. Overall, the reformed SGP will moderately help Member States in adopting structural reforms and reducing their implicit liabilities.

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-66
Author(s):  
Saila Heinikoski

This article discusses how the right to free movement within the European Union is presented as a matter of obligation, a duty of the other EU member states, in the discourse of Romanian Presidents and Prime Ministers (2005–2015). An examination of speeches and other statements from these politicians illuminates Romanian political reactions during the period when Romania became an EU member state, and reflects perceptions of Europeanness and European agreements. These issues take on an additional contemporary significance in the context of the Brexit negotiations, and they also add to the broader debate on whether EU norms and obligations are seen as being both just and equally applied. By analysing different types of argumentative topoi, I examine the deontological (obligation-based) argumentation employed in the free movement context. Furthermore, I examine to what extent these arguments are invoked in support of the right to free movement and who this right applies to. I argue that for Romanian politicians, deontological free movement arguments are connected to other states’ compliance with European treaties and to demands for equal application of European rules without discrimination, or the delegation of responsibility to others. This manifested itself most frequently in the calls for the EU and its member states to do their duty by treating Romanians equally to other EU citizens.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mira Celin

It is not easy to gauge the extent to which the European Employment Strategy (EES) has influenced the EU labour market over the last five years but it has surely contributed to the creation of more than 10 million new jobs and 4 million fewer unemployed. However, is this common strategy the right answer for the labour markets of the future member states? This article examines how the candidate countries are adapting to the EES and where they stand as compared to the current EU countries in achieving the Lisbon targets. The article assesses whether the EES is appropriate for the labour markets of the future member states by analysing both the deficiencies and the positive elements of this strategy for these countries, taking into account proposals for a new revised EES adapted to the needs of changing labour markets, globalisation and enlargement.


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 883-906 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Reichel

One of the reasons for introducing a “Union” citizenship in the 1993 Maastricht Treaty was to provide a direct channel between the citizens of the Member States and the EU. In contrast to many other international organizations, the role of the individual has been central to the European project since its inception. In its famous 1962 judgment given inVan Gend en Loos,1 the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) underscored the importance of the “vigilance of individuals concerned” seeking to protect their European rights in the new legal order through judicial control.2 The right to directly vote on the representatives of the European Parliament had already been introduced in the 1970s. The citizens of the Member States were thus equipped with two classic forms of political participation even prior to the introduction of Union citizenship: law making and the legal adjudication of individual cases. Nonetheless, whether these channels are sufficient to guarantee the citizens effective democratic means to influence legislation and exercise control of EU institutions in the rather complex multilevel legal system of the EU has been continuously debated.


10.5912/jcb31 ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivian Moses

This study was not intended as a catalogue, but as a comparative overview of the range of opportunities for education in biotechnology open to citizens in the various member states of the EU – opportunities organised by governments and their agencies, by educational establishments, by a wide variety of organisations and institutions variously interested in informing/influencing public attitudes and, of course, by the media in its many forms. Switzerland was included because of its experience of a referendum on genetics and biotechnology as well as the USA, where it all started. A number of suggestions are made for improving public understanding of biotechnology and for establishing a code of best practice taking into account the cultural differences between countries. Perhaps the most important is that biotechnology education is a long-term issue requiring a long-term view; it should not be constrained by short-term funding.


Significance Inflation seems to have returned to the economy following three years of near-continual deflation. After years in the doldrums, the Croatian economy is finally experiencing respectable growth and various indicators are now pointing in the right direction. However, the recovery is based on short-term factors that cannot easily be sustained, and the foundations of the economy remain weak. Impacts The current spate of growth is helping to prop up a weak government and a socio-economic model to which many Croats are averse. Respectable growth has lifted business confidence in the third quarter to its highest level since 2009. Apparent economic convergence with the rest of the EU is reviving the question whether and when Croatia should adopt the euro.


Subject Germany's EU presidency. Significance Germany will assume the six-month EU rotating presidency on July 1. The presidency will give Berlin greater influence in setting the European Council’s agenda and finding compromise between member states. Its standout priority will be to foster a compromise agreement on the EU’s recovery plan and 2021-27 budget. Impacts Any conditionality or ‘structural’ reforms associated with the EU recovery plan will be negatively received in Italy. To keep relations with China stable, Germany will focus on cooperation on mutual interests, such as COVID-19 and climate change. Germany could remain committed to fiscal expansion beyond the pandemic if the Greens are in the next government in 2021.


Subject Instability in eastern EU. Significance The EU has long reinforced Central-East European (CEE) member states with regulations and constraints. As it became absorbed in the euro-crisis and the nationalist surge, these countries felt less constrained and freer to act. Consequently, short-term or incoherent policy goals and elite-driven illiberal agendas are impeding good governance, anti-corruption efforts and further democratisation in some of CEE; none are exempt from government instability and rising nationalism. Impacts Instability in CEE is likely to discourage bold decisions on EU enlargement to North Macedonia and Albania. Economic malaise will make CEE governments less choosy regarding Chinese investments. An increasingly disenchanted public will be even more susceptible to internal and Russian disinformation campaigns.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-83
Author(s):  
Mireille Van Eechoud

The EU Directive on Re-use of Public Sector Information of 2013 (the PSI Directive) is a key instrument for open data policies at all levels of government in Member States. It sets out a general framework for the conditions governing the right to re-use information resources held by public sector bodies. It includes provisions on non-discrimination, transparent licensing and the like. However, what the PSI Directive does not do is give businesses, civil society or citizens an actual claim to access. Access is of course a prerequisite to (re)use. It is largely a matter for individual Member States to regulate what information is in the public record. This article explores what the options for the EC are to promote alignment of rights to information and re-use policy. It also flags a number of important data protection problems that have not been given serious enough consideration, but have the potential to paralyze open data policies. 


Author(s):  
Proctor Charles

This chapter discusses EU banking law, which has significantly influenced banking regulation in the UK. It covers the background to the EU Directives in the field of banking law; deposit-taking prohibition; the authorization process; the relevance of the freedoms created by the EU Treaties; the right to establish a branch in other Member States; the right to provide services in other Member States; the provision of banking services from within an institution's home State; the free movement of capital and banking services; and a Commission Interpretative Communication on territoriality questions arising in the field of EU banking law.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document