1. The Awakening of Political Consciousness and the Beginnings of Political Activity

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 599-619
Author(s):  
Olga V. Popova ◽  
Oleg V. Lagutin

The article analyzes the state of mass political consciousness of Russian youth based on the results of the study conducted in the spring of 2019 in four regions of the Russian Federation: Altai Kray, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions, and St. Petersburg. As a result of the analysis, the authors were able to identify several groups of young people that significantly differ in their attitudes regarding their potential political activity and the methods they actually use to realize the interests of their socio-demographic group, as well as trust in political and social institutions. Young people are differentiated into 8 groups according to the dominant type of political behavior and into 4 groups according to their level of institutional trust.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
E.A. Magomedova ◽  
M.V. Isaeva ◽  
A.O. Samorodnova

The article provides a theoretical analysis of the structure of legal policy. As elements of legal policy, the authors distinguish political organizations, political and legal norms, political interest, political consciousness, political relations, and political activity. The following is a description of all structural elements, taking into account their legal content. In addition, the article describes the practical aspect of legal policy in relation to the state-legal reality of modern Russia.


1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
James S. Coleman

Postwar uprisings and nationalist assertions in Tropical Africa—that part of the continent south of the Sahara and north of the Union—have directed increased attention towards the nature and implications of the awakening of the African to political consciousness. Among scholars this neglected area has long been the preserve of the scientific linguist or of the social anthropologist; only recently have American sociologists, economists, and political scientists developed an active interest in its problems. As a consequence, apart from certain efforts by anthropologists to popularize their findings and insights we have been obliged to rely primarily upon the somewhat contradictory accounts of colonial governments seeking to explain imperial connections, or of African nationalists determined to achieve self-government and the good life of which national self-determination has become the symbol. Thus, we have been placed in the uncomfortable position of having to formulate opinions and policy and to render judgments without sufficient knowledge, or, what could be worse, on the basis of evaluations provided by participants in the nationalist struggle. There is, therefore, a very real need for independent and objective research regarding the character and probable course of African nationalist development.


Gesnerus ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 55 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Hormoz Ebrahimnejad

The ravages wrought by epidemics in Iran as of 1821 acted as a stimulus to medical thought while the awakening of political consciousness mobilized efforts to fight contagious diseases. The combination “epidemics-politics- medicine” made nineteenth-century Persia turn to European science for help. Thus western medicine was introduced into Persia. If this introduction has been perceived by political means and epidemiological justification, the theoretical and epistemological process involved has been almost completely overlooked or misinterpreted. It is generally considered that the imported medicine swept away the local one, but this is not altogether true. It was the internal evolution of traditional medicine which paved the way for anatomo- clinical medicine.This evolution comes accross clearly in the works of Shirazi and Saveji between 1831 and 1862, years in which epidemics struck frequently and violently. While Europeans in Iran such as Dr. Polak qualified heyzeh (a kind of severe diarrhea) a “sporadic cholera” or “autumn cholera”, Shirazi wrote three treatises to show that heyzeh was not cholera but an ordinary kind of diarrhea caused by generalized malnourishment, Shirazi was also an innovator in the theoretical and terminological fields, doing away with the notion of vaba which meant a putrid atmosphere. Vaba became a physiological anomaly which took on epidemic proportions in an impure atmosphere. The modern definition of vaba meaning cholera was therefore elaborated thanks to Shirazi.


1966 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali A. Mazrui

SEVERAL years ago, Wilfred Whiteley, the linguist and Africanist, argued that ‘to some extent the nature of political action… may be related to people's conception of what constitutes politics’.1 Formulated in this way, Whiteley's argument seems to assume that all people have some conception of what constitutes politics—the only difference being what kind of conception. But can this be taken for granted? In 1952— to take an example almost at random—Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Nigerian leader, referred in a speech at Port Harcourt to ‘the growth of political consciousness’ in Nigeria. What did he mean? Had the Africans of Nigeria known no political activity until then? If they had, had they not been ‘conscious’ that the activity was ‘political’? Or was it a case of having no special name for this kind of activity as something distinct? If none of these hypotheses apply, what then was meant by this kind of reference to ‘political consciousness’ as if it was something new among Africans?2


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