3. Race As Nation, Race As Blood Quantum: The Racial Politics Of Cherokee Nationalism In The Nineteenth Century

2019 ◽  
pp. 52-81
Author(s):  
Diane Miller Sommerville

Suicide, by late nineteenth century, had transformed from a shameful, sinful act to one of sacrifice and courage. The most famous suicide of the Civil War, that of Edmund Ruffin, shows this evolution in attitudes about suicide. Ruffin’s suicide is venerated in Lost Cause literature as an act of patriotic martyrdom. The glorification of (white) suicide converged with the racial politics of the era as seen in the classic film, Birth of a Nation, and on the novel on which it was based, Thomas Dixon’s The Clansman. Suicide had become a marker of racial superiority that anchored the act to a neo-Confederate identity. By contrast, black suicides were either denied or explained as the acts of uncontrollable, manic, crazy former slaves no longer under the constraints of enslavement. Heroic suicide instilled meaning into the vast suffering in the failed effort at independence.


2019 ◽  
pp. 121-144
Author(s):  
Dána-Ain Davis

In the nineteenth century, the United States began to address its embarrassingly high rates of infant and maternal mortality, and later premature birth rates, in earnest. Those efforts have often been racially disparate. Using a critical racial lens, this chapter explores the uneven racial outcomes of the technologies of saving, or strategies used to save infants and mothers. A number of programs, policies, and scientific advancements, including the development of NICUs, have facilitated the development of saving interventions. The exploration of saving begins with the founding of the Children’s Bureau in 1912 and the Sheppard-Towner Act of 1916 and concludes with the use of NICUs. This chapter shows that the interventions have not been as successful for Black as for white infants and mothers, once again illustrating the racial politics of reproduction. Special consideration is given to the critique of NICU technology, about which both medical and public health professionals raise questions concerning how NICUs overshadow other forms of addressing prematurity.


Author(s):  
Douglas W. Shadle

Antonín Dvořák’s New World Symphony exposed the deep wounds of American racism at the dawn of the Jim Crow era while serving as a flashpoint in broader debates about the national ideals of freedom and equality. Following several strands of musical thought during the second half of the nineteenth century, this richly textured account of the symphony’s 1893 premiere shows that even the classical concert hall could not remain insulated from the country’s fraught racial politics. The New World Symphony continued to wield extraordinary influence over American classical music culture for decades after its premiere as it became one of the most beloved pieces in the standard orchestral repertoire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-140
Author(s):  
Rogers M. Smith

Political science began in the late nineteenth century as an explicitly racist discipline. Although this changed in the twentieth century, mainstream scholars then neglected racial politics and issues in America for too long. NCOBPS originated in 1969 as part of efforts of scholars of color to address these deficiencies. Throughout its history, it has done so. NCOBPS has fostered more insightful scholarship on a wide range of topics, including their racial dimensions. It has helped to develop leadership skills that have benefited the discipline as a whole. And it has nurtured an activist-scholar ethos that has helped the discipline do a better job of listening to, and benefiting, the populations it studies. The NCOBPS-APSA partnership has grown much stronger over the last half-century; it will need to be cultivated further if the discipline is to confront constructively the intellectual and political challenges it faces in the twenty-first century.


2003 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirt H. Wilson

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Aline Helg

Por que desde José Martí até a revolução de 1959, a história oficial cubana silenciou sobre o papel extraordinário dos afro-cubanos nas lutas contra a escravidão, pela independência e pela igualdade republicana? Este artigo responde a essa pergunta analisando os movimentos de escravos e livres de cor no século XIX, a liderança de Antonio Maceo e dos combatentes afro-cubanos nas guerras da independência e a formação em 1908 do Partido Independiente de Color, primeiro partido negro das Américas, até o aniquilamento do partido pelo Exército de Cuba em um massacre racista em 1912. O artigo também mostra como, desde 1959, a Revolução confirma a negação do protagonismo histórico dos afro-cubanos e evita todo debate sobre o racismo no país.Palavras chaves: Cuba, Diáspora africana, história, discriminação racial, política racial.---Cubano-africano, los protagonistas silenciados de la historia cubanaPor qué, desde José Martí hasta la revolución de 1959, la historia oficial cubana ha tenido bajo silencio el papel extraordinario de los Afro-cubanos en las luchas contra la esclavización, por la independencia y por la igualdad republicana? Este articulo responde a esta pregunta examinando los movimientos de esclavos y de libres de color en el siglo XIX, el liderazgo de Antonio Maceo y de los combatientes afrocubanos en las guerras de independencia y la formación en 1908 del Partido Independiente de Color, primer partido negro de las Américas, hasta el aniquilamiento del partido por el Ejercito de Cuba en una masacre racista en 1912. El articulo muestra como desde 1959 la Revolución confirma la negación del protagonismo histórico de los afrocubanos y ha evitado todo debate sobre el racismo en Cuba.Palabras clave: Cuba—Diáspora africana—Historia—Discriminación racial—Política racial---The african-Cuban, the silenced heros of Cuban historyFrom José Martí up to the 1959 revolution, why has the Cuban official history remained silent on the extraordinary role of african-Cubans in the fight against slavery, for independence and for republican equality? This article answers this question by analyzing the movements of slaves and free men of color in the nineteenth century, the leadership of Antonio Maceo and african-Cuban combatants in the wars of independence and the formation, in 1908, of the Partido Independiente Color, the first black party of the Americas until its annihilation by the Cuban Army in a racist massacre in 1912. This article also shows how, since 1959, the Revolution continues to deny the historical role of the african-Cuban and avoids any debate about racism in the country.Key Words: Cuba, African Diaspora, history, racial discrimination, racial politics.


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