scholarly journals Remembering Poland: The Ethics of Cultural Histories

2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
William Gorski

Art Spiegelman's Maus, Cynthia Ozick's The Shawl, and Eva Hoffman's Lost in Translation and Exit into History are recent American texts that draw upon cultural histories of Poland to launch their narratives. Each text confronts and reconstructs fragments of twentieth-century Poland at the interactive sites of collective culture and personal memory. By focusing on the contested relationship between Poles and Jews before, during, and after World War II, these texts dredge up the ghosts of centuries-long ethnic animosities. In the post-Cold War era, wherein Eastern Europe struggles to redefine itself, such texts have a formative influence in re-mapping the future of national identities.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimia Zare ◽  
Habibollah Saeeidinia

Iran and Russia have common interests, especially in political terms, because of the common borders and territorial neighborhood. This has led to a specific sensitivity to how the two countries are approaching each other. Despite the importance of the two countries' relations, it is observed that in the history of the relations between Iran and Russia, various issues and issues have always been hindered by the close relations between the two countries. The beginning of Iran-Soviet relations during the Second Pahlavi era was accompanied by issues such as World War II and subsequent events. The relations between the two countries were influenced by the factors and system variables of the international system, such as the Cold War, the US-Soviet rivalry, the Second World War and the entry of the Allies into Iran, the deconstruction of the relations between the two post-Cold War superpowers, and so on.The main question of the current research is that the political relations between Iran and Russia influenced by the second Pahlavi period?To answer this question, the hypothesis was that Iran's political economic relations were fluctuating in the second Pahlavi era and influenced by the changing system theory of the international system with the Soviet Union. The findings suggest that various variables such as the structure of the international system and international events, including World War II, the arrival of controversial forces in Iran, the Cold War, the post-Cold War, the US and Soviet policies, and the variables such as the issue of oil Azerbaijan's autonomy, Tudeh's actions in Iran, the issue of fisheries and borders. Also, the policies adopted by Iranian politicians, including negative balance policy, positive nationalism and independent national policy, have affected Iran-Soviet relations. In a general conclusion, from 1320 (1942) to 1357 (1979), the relationship between Iran and Russia has been an upward trend towards peaceful coexistence. But expansion of further relations in the economic, technical and cultural fields has been political rather than political.


Art History ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evonne Levy

The rise of the propaganda production in World War I coincided with art history’s consolidation as a discipline. Immediately, the modern category “propaganda” was taken up to describe the relations between art, politics (sacred and secular), and power. After World War II, and in the Cold War, the use of the word “propaganda” shifted and many North American and European art historians resisted the categorization of “art” (associated with freedom) and propaganda (associated with fascist instrumentalization), although historians were less troubled by its use for “images.” The end of the Cold War loosened the prohibition on the term, though many art historians still prefer cognate terms, “persuasion” or “rhetorical,” when pointing to the key element of audience and effectiveness; similarly, many speak of “power,” “politics,” or “ideology” when pointing to institutions and their messages. Because there are alternatives for “propaganda,” the emphasis here is on the literature that have engaged the term itself and the problems it poses to art history, including its ongoing toxicity. Because propaganda arts are so closely associated with the modern regimes that perfected their use (communist Russia, fascist Italy, Nazi Germany), one of the major questions in the art historical literature is the appropriateness of the concept before the 20th century and for nonautocratic regimes. While some periods have attracted the term more than others, since Foucault and post–Cold War, there has been at once an understanding of all institutions, sacred and secular, as imbricated in power relations and on the other, a relaxation of rigid definitions of propaganda as “deceptive” or “manipulative.” These factors have opened scholars in art history considerably to a use of the term, although a reductive understanding of propaganda as inherently deceptive still persists. Three main criteria were used in compiling this article: periods of political upheaval or change in government that have attracted the term in particularly dense ways and generated dialogue over these issues; works that explicitly frame the study of objects as propaganda or substitute terms, rhetoric, persuasion, and ideology; and works by historians of images that explicitly engage with the category of propaganda (excluding, with a few exceptions, popular forms like posters as well as film, television, and digital media). Whenever possible, propaganda’s specificity is insisted on here in relation to art, for art poses special problems to the use of the word propaganda, and its invocation in art history often makes an explicit point.


Author(s):  
Michael A. LoSasso ◽  

This article analyzes the portrayal of the Eastern Front of World War II on early American television, specifically the documentary anthology series The Twentieth Century . It explores how most early portrayals of World War II on television excised or minimized the Eastern Front in response to the Second Red Scare. Although The Twentieth Century was one of the first to display the Eastern Front in detail, its portrayal paralleled Cold War propaganda of the Soviet Union and its people. This work analyzes three episodes of the series devoted to the Soviet Union’s role in the war and notes how each utilized certain traits of U.S. anti-communist propaganda. Other matters considered are the mediators in the crafting the display of the war and the way the history was presented to satisfy the interests of the sponsor and the network. It concludes that the presentation of the Soviet people responded to Cold War imperatives with episodes produced in times when tensions were high having sharper criticism, whilst periods of eased relations leading to less propagandistic depictions.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olena Betlii

The Shaping of Polish Identity in the “Dziennik Kijowski” in 1914-1916The First World War was a real catalyst for the shaping of national identities in Eastern Europe. Like all wars, it aroused discussions about the future of peoples caught up in the conflict, especially those who did not possess their own statehood. The Polish nation was among them. How did its political elite respond to the beginning of the Great War in Europe, what was discussed and what topics raised by the Polish newspapers, how Poland’s future and Polish identity was seen and determined at that time? In this article I try to answer these questions by analyzing political, social and literary materials in the Polish daily Dziennik Kijowski published in Kyiv in 1906-1920. Based on archival sources, publications of the Dziennik, analysis of the censuses, and historiography, this publication depicts the “Polish Kyiv”, reflects on various opinions about the newspaper’s editorial policies during the war, and defines the main topics that were elaborated by the Dziennik in 1914-1916 regarding Polish identity issues. During this period the newspaper, as well as the majority of members of the Polish community in Kyiv, was loyal to the Russian authorities. At the same time, the Dziennik Kijowski constantly reminded its readers what the Polish identity meant not only by the mere fact that the newspaper was published in the Pollish language, but also by the Polish matters as the contents of its columns. Kształtowanie polskości na łamach „Dziennika Kijowskiego” w latach 1914-1916Pierwsza wojna światowa stała się prawdziwym katalizatorem kształtowania tożsamości narodowych w Europie Wschodniej. Jak każda inna wojna wywoływała ona dyskusje o przyszłości narodów wciągniętych w konflikt, zwłaszcza tych, które nie posiadały swojej państwowości. Do takich narodów wówczas należał również naród polski. W jaki sposób polskie elity polityczne zareagowały na początek Wielkiej Wojny w Europie, o czym dyskutowano i jakie tematy poruszano na łamach prasy polskiej, jak widziano przyszłość Polski i określano polskość w tym okresie? W artykule spróbowałam udzielić odpowiedzi na te pytania, analizując materiały „Dziennika Kijowskiego”, codziennego polskiego pisma politycznego, społecznego i literackiego, wychodzącego w Kijowie w latach 1906-1920. Na podstawie źródeł archiwalnych, publikacji z „Dziennika”, analizy spisów ludności, historiografii nakreśliłam wizerunek „polskiego Kijowa” i ukazałam różnorakie opinie o orientacji wydawnictwa w czasie wojny, jak również główne tematy poruszane na łamach „Dziennika” dotyczące problematyki kształtowania tożsamości polskiej w latach 1914-1916. W badanym okresie „Dziennik Kijowski”, podobnie jak większość przedstawicieli społeczności polskiej w Kijowie, był lojalny wobec władz rosyjskich. Niemniej, nie tylko poprzez język wydania, ale też przez zawartość odpowiednich rubryk ciągłe przypominał czytelnikom o tym, czym jest polskość.


1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 171-176
Author(s):  
David Calleo

Recent years have been witnessing a complex series of negotiations to reach that European political settlement which eluded the victors after World War II, the absence of which prompted the Cold War that followed. More important than the particular negotiations themselves, certain forces have started in motion which are likely to alter considerably the postwar political landscape. No one can say with great assurance what sort of world these trends will lead to. None is free from ambiguity; all have aroused strong countertrends which may well reverse them. Nevertheless, taken together, they do furnish at least a working model for considering Europe’s likely shape in the future.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANA MITTER ◽  
AARON WILLIAM MOORE

AbstractChina's long war against Japan from 1937 to 1945 has remained in the shadows of historiography until recently, both in China and abroad. In recent years, the opening of archives and a widening of the opportunity to discuss the more controversial aspects of the wartime period in China itself have restored World War II in China (‘the War of Resistance to Japan’) to a much more central place in historical interpretation. Among the areas that this issue covers are the new socio-political history of the war that seeks to restore rationality to the policies of the Guomindang (Nationalist) party, as well as a new understanding in post-war China of the meaning of the war against Japan in shaping Cold War and post-Cold War politics in China. In doing so, it seeks to make more explicit the link between themes that shaped the experience of World War II in China to the war's legacy in later politics and the uses of memory of the conflict in contemporary Chinese society.


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