Update on Conflict and Diplomacy

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 140-178
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi

This update, which summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, covers the quarter beginning on 16 February 2017 and ending on 15 May 2017. During this period, the administration of U.S. pres. Donald Trump attempted to put its own stamp on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Israeli government announced a new policy on settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, despite disagreements among the major parties. Some 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike, drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, Israel's right-wing government kept up a campaign to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi

This is part 134 of a chronology begun by the Journal of Palestine Studies in Spring 1984, and covers events from 16 February to 15 May 2017 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. U.S. pres. Donald Trump leads a new, regional effort to restart Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. With the prospect of peace talks on the horizon, the Israeli government announced a new policy to guide settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, although the elections were compromised by disagreements among the major political parties. Approximately 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike (the Dignity Strike), drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, the right-wing Israeli government continued its efforts to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the Palestine-Israel conflict, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (4).


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-5

This quarter began less than one month after the 20 January 2017 inauguration of U.S. president Donald Trump, whose stated positions on settlements and the two-state solution, at times contradicting decades of U.S. policy, had far-reaching implications for Palestinians. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was emboldened by the regime change in Washington and the new administration's lack of organization and experience. Within two months of the inauguration, observers marked a sharp increase in the demolition of Palestinian homes and in announcements of renewed Israeli settlement construction. In fact, just two days after Trump was sworn into office, the Jerusalem municipality approved the construction of 566 new housing units, which had earlier been delayed under pressure from outgoing U.S. president Barack Obama. And on 24 January, the Israeli government announced plans for 2,500 new settlement units in the West Bank. In early February, Israeli lawmakers passed the so-called Regularization Bill, retroactively legalizing the expropriation of private Palestinian land. As settlement plans continued to grow apace, the end of the quarter saw the submission of a measure extending Israeli sovereignty to Ma'ale Adumim before a Knesset committee. Some MKs were also considering the annexation of the E1 zone into Ma'ale Adumim, which would effectively sever the northern from the southern West Bank and create a impassable zone for Palestinians around East Jerusalem. Bedouin communities inside E1 resisted persistent expulsion threats and demolition orders, while the world's soccer governing body FIFA refused to take on the issue of soccer clubs inside settlements.


Author(s):  
أسامة محمد أبو نحل

ملخص البحث إن تعبير أو مصطلح الكيان، لم يظهر من قبل في قاموس السياسة الدولية؛ وإنما هو بدعة فلسطينية، اقتضى وجوده - الحاجة الماسة - لإبراز معلم سياسي يقود الفلسطينيين نحو الانعتاق من ربقة الاستعمار، الذي هيمن على شتّى مناحي حياتهم السياسية والاجتماعية. فمنذ أن احتلت بريطانيا فلسطين عام 1917، مروراً بفقدان هويتهم الوطنية بالكامل، بعد إنشاء الكيان الإسرائيلي عام 1948؛ اضطر الفلسطينيون للبحث عن قارب نجاة، يوجههم نحو إقامة كيان سياسي يضم ما تبقى من فلسطين التاريخية، فكان إنشاء منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية عام 1964، لتحفظ للفلسطينيين شيئا من هويتهم الوطنية. ولكن بعد احتلال إسرائيل ما تبقى من فلسطين التاريخية عام 1967، حاول بعض وجهاء وزعامات الضفة الغربية بطريقٍ أو بآخر - مستغلين غياب أي سلطة فلسطينية أو أردنية في مناطقهم - إقامة كيان فلسطيني مصطنع في الضفة الغربية بمباركة إسرائيلية – إن ارتضت ذلك – وإن حاولوا أن يغلّفوه بمسمى ";;;;دولة فلسطينية";;;;، وذلك من خلال تجاوز صلاحيات منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية؛ والتي من المفروض أن تكون صاحبة الرأي الأول والأخير، في اتخاذ خطوات على طريق التسوية السلمية، وذلك بعد موافقة كافة فئات الشعب الفلسطيني سواء في الأراضي المحتلة أو في الشتات؛ لكن تلك المحاولات باءت بالفشل الذريع؛ بعد أن حوربت وتمَّت تصفية بعض دعاتها والمنظّرين لها جسدياً. الكلمات الرئيسة: الكيان الفلسطيني، الهوية الوطنية، وجهاء الضفة الغربية، المقاومة الفلسطينية، أحداث أيلول. Abstract The term of entity was not seen before in the lexicon of international politics. It is a Palestinian innovation. There was an urgent Palestinian need for its presence because in order to get their freedom, people of Palestine suffered too much from the occupation and colonialism, which controlled all aspects of their political and social life since Britain has occupied Palestine in 1917. Then after creation of Israel in 1948, Palestinian people lost their identity. Therefore, Palestinians have been forced to search for a lifeboat to guide them towards the establishment of a political entity comprising the remainder of the historic Palestine. Hence, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was established in 1964 to preserve the rest of the Palestinian national identity. But after Israel has occupied the rest of historic Palestine in 1967, some of the leaders of the West Bank tried -some how- to establish a Palestinian entity with blessing of ";;;;Israel";;;; -if it agrees- taking advantage of the absence of any Palestinian or Jordanian authority in their areas, to call it as a ";;;;Palestinian State,";;;; by skipping the decisions of (PLO), which is the one who is supposed to decide and take steps in the peace process, of course after all the Palestinian people inside and outside Palestine accept this issue, but all these attempts have miserably failed and have been fought and some of its advocates and theorists were assassinated. Key Words: Palestinian Entity, National Identity, Notables of West Bank, Palestinian Resistance, September Events. Abstrak Istilah entiti sebelum ini tidak terlihat dalam leksikon politik antarabangsa , dan ia merupakan sesuatu yang amat diperlukan oleh rakyat  Palestin. Kewujudan entiti kenegaraan ini tetap penting bagi rakyat Palestin yang telah terlalu banyak menderita dari pendudukan untuk mendapatkan semula kebebasan mereka daripada kolonialisme yang telah berperanan memutuskan semua aspek-aspek kehidupan sosial dan politik mereka, semenjak daripada penjajahan Britain di Palestin pada 1917. Selepasnya, sejarah telah menyaksikan kehilangan identiti nasional Palestin, selepas penciptaan Israel dalam 1948, dan menjadikan rakyat Palestin terpaksa mencari sebuah bahtera penyelamat yang dapat mengemudikan mereka ke arah penubuhan satu entiti politik iaitu Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) yang tertubuh pada 1964 demi untuk berjuang mengekalkan saki-baki identiti nasional mereka yang masih tersisa. Tetapi selepas Israel berjaya menduduki wilayah-wilayah Palestin yang lain pada 1967, beberapa pemimpin Tebing Barat telah mencuba –dalam beberapa cara- untuk mewujudkan satu entiti Palestin dibawah belas dan restu Israel –jika dipersetujui –dengan mengambil peluang ketiadaan mana-mana kuasa politik Palestin atau Jordan di kawasan mereka untuk mewujudkan Negara Palestin dengan membelakangi keputusan(PLO) yang sepatutnya turut berperanan dalam langkah-langkah  proses damai tersebut yang sepatutnya diputuskan berdasarkan pendapat semua penduduk Palestin di dalam dan di luar wilayah tersebut untuk menerima atau menolak isu ini. Walaubagaimanpun semua percubaan tersebut menemui kegagalan dengan terbunuhnya beberapa tokoh pelopor idea penubuhan negara mengikut acuan Israel yang berkenaan. Kata Kunci: Entiti Palestin, Identiti Kenegaraan, Tebing Barat, Penentangan Palestin, Peristiwa September.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 268-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

In each one of the three main agreements which Israel has concluded to date with the PLO as part of the current peace process, the issue of foreign relations has received special treatment. This reflects the fact that, while the transfer of a number of spheres of authority to the Palestinian autonomous entity has serious practical ramifications, the treatment of the sphere of foreign relations has an added effect on the very nature of the autonomous entity itself, because full capacity to conduct foreign relations is one of the accepted indicia of sovereignty and statehood. Any arrangements reached with regard to the sphere of foreign relations are, therefore, of critical significance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15

This section covers items pertaining to Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. Significant developments during the quarter 16 November 2016 through 15 February 2017 include: in anticipation of changes to U.S. policy on settlements under incoming U.S. president Donald Trump, Terrestrial Jerusalem and other settlement watch groups outlined the areas they consider most vulnerable to settlement expansion. While the Israeli Security Cabinet voted on 22 January to postpone discussion of a bill facilitating the annexation of the Ma'ale Adumim settlement until after Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu had a chance to meet in person, many analysts highlighted the probable annexation of settlements in East Jerusalem and even possibly part of Area C of the West Bank. Peace Now released a report estimating that 4,000 settlement units and 55 illegal outposts would be retroactively legalized under the recently enacted Regulation Law and documenting the 3,000 additional units that could be newly expropriated under the law (see Update on Conflict & Diplomacy in JPS 46 [3] for more on new Israeli legislation).


Significance The allegations against Netanyahu involve the acceptance of expensive gifts from wealthy businessmen and an attempt to close a confidential deal on coverage with the publisher of a major newspaper, who until now has been considered his arch-rival. Police are also investigating accusations relating to the role of Netanyahu’s personal lawyer in major procurement contracts between the Israeli navy and a German manufacturer. Impacts Public support for Netanyahu by ministers from his Likud party could be undercut in private. Netanyahu is likely to resist increased right-wing pressure to annex parts of the West Bank, fearing a US response. The accusations have put the premier under extreme political pressure, which might affect his responses to rising tensions with Gaza.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-633 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riad Bahhur

Susan Slyomovics's Object of Memory explores the ways in which Arabs and Jews (primarily Palestinian Arabs and Israeli Jews) narrate the Palestinian village, focusing on the pre-1948 Palestinian village of Ein Houd, located in the Carmel Mountains south of the city of Haifa. The Palestinian inhabitants of Ein Houd were displaced during the 1948 war and prevented by the Israeli government from returning to their homes there. Most of them became internal refugees, designated “present absentees” under Israeli law. Others became refugees in surrounding Arab states and in the part of Palestine that became known as the West Bank. Their properties were confiscated by Israel under the Absentee Property Law.


2020 ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Ayfer Erdogan ◽  
Lourdes Habash

The 2017 inauguration of Donald Trump as the U.S. president opened a new chapter in U.S. policy making toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several developments that have taken place under the Trump Administration mark a clear rupture from the Oslo Accords in favor of support for Israeli plans to annex a large fraction of the West Bank and design a new settlement of the conflict according to its interests. While the U.S. policy toward the Palestinian issue is not radically different under Trump, he does break from former presidents in that he overtly indicates a sharp pro-Israel tilt and has been more transparent about the U.S. position in the conflict. In this context, in light of the developments that have taken place in the last three years, this article aims to investigate the main pillars of the U.S. foreign policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to analyze how far the Trump Administration’s policies toward the conflict indicate a shift from those of his predecessors. It also offers some insights into the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by providing three prospective scenarios and discussing their repercussions.


Significance The ‘Abraham Peace Accords’ between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and between Israel and Bahrain, were signed in September, after being brokered by the US Trump administration. Deals with Sudan and Morocco have since followed. Impacts Palestinian complaints will become more pointed as other Arab-Israeli ties strengthen and tourism increases. The Biden administration could engage in more scrutiny of right-wing Israeli claims, especially over the West Bank settlements. As right-wing politicians entrench their dominance, archaeological finds will drive more nationalistic interpretations of the past.


2020 ◽  
pp. 219-240
Author(s):  
Jerome Slater

A number of international and US efforts to bring about an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement were undertaken between 1975 and 2000, but all failed, largely though not entirely because Israeli intransigence. Rejectionism and continuing settlement expansion in the West Bank and Jerusalem led to the first Palestinian intifada (uprising). The most important and initially hopeful peace effort was the 1993 Oslo Accords, negotiated by Palestinian and Israel doves. On paper, Oslo established a number of “principles” that would govern a peace settlement, which would be negotiated in the next five years. However, Oslo ultimately failed and no peace settlement was reached, largely because the Israeli governments of Rabin, Peres, and Netanyahu continued to resist a two-state settlement and extremists on both sides turned to violence and terrorism.


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