Recent Works on the 1910 Revolution in the Mexican North: Revolutionary Mexico: The Coming and Process of the Mexican Revolution . John Mason Hart. ; Border Fury: A Picture Postcard Record of Mexico's Revolution and U. S. War Preparedness, 1910-1917 . Paul J. Vanderwood, Frank N. Samponaro. ; Revolution on the Border: The United States and Mexico 1910-1920 . Linda B. Hall, Don M. Coerver. ; The Monterrey Elite & the Mexican State, 1880-1940 . Alex M. Saragoza.

1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-183
Author(s):  
Gregorio Mora
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican State

The Mexican Revolution in Chicago

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Flores
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Wide Range

This book examines the political, labor, and assimilation history of Mexican immigrants in metropolitan Chicago during the first half of the twentieth century. Beginning in the mid-1920s and extending into the years of the Great Depression, the New Deal, and the Cold War, Mexican immigrants engaged in a wide-range of political activism, and their political beliefs were shaped by the Mexican Revolution. Mexican immigrant political activists included men and women, middle-class businessmen and professionals, and blue-collar laborers from urban and rural backgrounds. Over time, Mexican immigrants formed distinct conservative, liberal, and radical transnational societies that competed with each other to mold the identities and influence the political beliefs of the broader Mexican, Mexican American, and Latino populations of Chicago and Northwest Indiana. Initially, Mexican conservatives, liberals, and radicals all defined themselves as patriots loyal to the Mexican state, but over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, profound political events in Mexico and in the United States led the conservatives to become the most critical of the Mexican state and the most amenable to U.S. naturalization. While the liberals and radicals tended to decline U.S. citizenship, conservative Mexican Catholics become U.S. citizens in great numbers, and they did so because they sought to protect themselves from both the anticlerical policies of Mexican government and from the deportation policies of the United States government.

Ricardo Flores Magón and the Ongoing Revolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevan Antonio Aguilar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Cultural Legacy ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The Revolution

The political and cultural legacy of Ricardo Flores Magón (b. San Antonio Eloxochitlán, September 16, 1873; d. U.S. Penitentiary, Leavenworth, Kansas, November 21, 1922,) has become an integral component of the histories of the Mexican Revolution, Mexicans and Chicanos in the United States, and global social revolutions. Despite being deemed by historians and the Mexican state as a “precursor” of the national revolution, Flores Magón’s political activities preceded and surpassed the accepted chronology of the Revolution (1910–1920), as well as the borders of Mexico. While historical literature on the Revolution is extensive, the global and radical implications of the event as a social revolution are often underappreciated. Through the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM, Mexican Liberal Party) and the newspaper Regeneración (Regeneration), Flores Magón mobilized a transnational social movement in 1906 and continued to inspire popular revolt through his writings on anarchism and revolution until his death in 1922. Many of the members of the PLM (often inaccurately referred to as ideological adherents to Flores Magón, or magonistas) continued to participate in revolutionary activity well after the organization disbanded. Even in death, Flores Magón continues to inspire revolutionary movements in Mexico, the United States, Latin America, and Europe. The history of Ricardo Flores Magón therefore intersects with various local and global histories of resistance throughout the 20th century.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Flores
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Contract Labor ◽  
The Revolution

This introduction explores the literature on Mexican immigrants and transnationalism; social movements; state-sponsored contract-labor programs; deportation; and naturalization, assimilation, and Americanization. It explains that a diverse body of Mexican immigrants settled in metropolitan Chicago in the wake of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. These Mexicans subscribed to distinct liberal, radical, and conservative (traditional) political beliefs and engaged in a wide-range of political projects. In the end, the traditionalists were the Mexican immigrants to become U.S. citizens in significant numbers, and they did so, in part, because of the anticlerical and radical legacy of the revolution, which alienated them from the postrevolutionary Mexican state and set them on course to create new lives for themselves in the United States.

Specters of Belonging

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrián Félix
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Life Cycle ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mexican Migrants ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Mexican Migrant ◽  
Transnational Citizenship

In the context of research on the “thickening” of borders, Specters of Belonging raises the related question: How does transnational citizenship thicken across the political life cycle of Mexican migrants? In addressing this question, this book resembles what any good migration corrido (ballad) does—narrate the thickening of transnational citizenship from beginning, middle, to end. Specifically, Specters of Belonging traces Mexican migrant transnationalism across the migrant political life cycle, beginning with the “political baptism” (i.e., naturalization in the United States) and ending with repatriation to México after death. In doing so, the book illustrates how Mexican migrants enunciate, enact, and embody transnational citizenship in constant dialectical contestation with the state and institutions of citizenship on both sides of the U.S.-México border. Drawing on political ethnographies of citizenship classrooms, the first chapter examines how Mexican migrants enunciate transnational citizenship as they navigate the naturalization process in the United States and grapple with the contradictions of U.S. citizenship and its script of singular political loyalty. The middle chapter deploys transnational ethnography to analyze how Mexican migrants enact transnational citizenship within the clientelistic orbit of the Mexican state, focusing on a group of returned migrant politicians and transnational activists. Last, the final chapter turns to how Mexican migrants embody transnational citizenship by tracing the cross-border practice of repatriating the bodies of deceased Mexican migrants from the United States to their communities of origin in rural México.

The Politics of US Latino Literature and American Realism

2019 ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
Ramón J. Guerra
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Latino Literature ◽  
The Common ◽  
Racial Ethnic

This chapter examines the development of Latino literature in the United States during the time when realism emerged as a dominant aesthetic representation. Beginning with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) and including the migrations resulting from the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Mexican Revolution (1910), Latinos in the United States began to realistically craft an identity served by a sense of displacement. Latinos living in the United States as a result of migration or exile were concerned with similar issues, including but not limited to their predominant status as working-class, loss of homeland and culture, social justice, and racial/ethnic profiling or discrimination. The literature produced during the latter part of the nineteenth century by some Latinos began to merge the influence of romantic style with a more socially conscious manner to reproduce the lives of ordinary men and women, draw out the specifics of their existence, characterize their dialects, and connect larger issues to the concerns of the common man, among other realist techniques.

Mezcal: When Culture and Consumption Collide

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 120-128
Author(s):  
Tara Ceranic Salinas ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Business Practices ◽  
Cultural Appropriation ◽  
Traditional Methods ◽  
General Overview ◽  
Mexican State

Mezcal is a spirit distilled from the heart of the agave plant. It has been produced via traditional methods in Mexico for centuries, but recently has found popularity in the United States and other countries. The rise in demand for this artisanal product could greatly benefit the eight states in which it is legally distilled with an influx of capital from tourism and export. However, with this popularity comes outside influence and the potential for unfair business practices and cultural appropriation. This case provides a general overview of mezcal and the Mexican state of Oaxaca in which it is produced. Discussion questions are presented as well as a brief teaching note.

Democracy Promotion through Progressive Imperialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 65-94
Author(s):  
Tony Smith
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Panama Canal ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The World

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's efforts, first as an academic, later as president of the United States, to promote democracy through “progressive imperialism.” A first step for Wilson was to embrace America's democratizing mission in the Philippines. Later, he would continue in this fashion after he became president and faced the challenge of providing stability in the Western Hemisphere during the Mexican Revolution and with the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914—the same year that war broke out in Europe. Wilson's driving concern now became focused: how to provide for a stable peace based on freedom. His answer: through protecting, indeed if possible expanding, democratic government the world around as the best way to end violence among states and provide freedom to peoples.

Sowing the Seeds of Neo-Imperialism: The Rockefeller Foundation's Yellow Fever Campaign in Mexico

1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armando Solórzano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Yellow Fever ◽  
Rockefeller Foundation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The People ◽  
Mexican State ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
By Products

The Rockefeller Foundation's campaign against yellow fever in Mexico sought to advance the economic and political interests of U.S. capitalism. The campaign was implemented at a time of strong anti-American sentiments on the part of the Mexican people. With no diplomatic relationships between Mexico and the United States, the Rockefeller Foundation presented its campaign as an international commitment. Thus, Foundation doctors became the most salient U.S. diplomats. At the same time they made sure that the Mexican yellow fever would not spread to the United States through the southern border. The by-products of the campaign went beyond the political arena. Special techniques to combat the vectors allowed the Rockefeller Foundation's brigades to change the anti-American sentiments of the people. When the campaign ended, the Foundation had already set in place the foundation for the modern Mexican health care system. Benefits from the campaign also accrued to President Obregón, who used the campaign to strengthen his position of power. Mexican doctors adopting a pro-American attitude also allied with the Rockefeller Foundation to gain reputation and power within the emerging Mexican State.

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