Democracy Promotion through Progressive Imperialism

Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's efforts, first as an academic, later as president of the United States, to promote democracy through “progressive imperialism.” A first step for Wilson was to embrace America's democratizing mission in the Philippines. Later, he would continue in this fashion after he became president and faced the challenge of providing stability in the Western Hemisphere during the Mexican Revolution and with the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914—the same year that war broke out in Europe. Wilson's driving concern now became focused: how to provide for a stable peace based on freedom. His answer: through protecting, indeed if possible expanding, democratic government the world around as the best way to end violence among states and provide freedom to peoples.

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wesley Phillips Newton

In Latin America, international rivalry over aviation followed World War I. In its early form, it consisted of a commercial scramble among several Western European nations and the United States to sell airplanes and aviation products and to establish airlines in Latin America. Somewhat later, expanding European aviation activities posed an implicit threat to the Panama Canal.Before World War I, certain aerophiles had sought to advance the airplane as the panacea for the transportation problem in Latin America. The aviation pioneer Alberto Santos-Dumont of Brazil and the Aero Club of America, an influential private United States association, were in the van. In 1916, efforts by these enthusiasts led to the formation of the Pan American Aviation Federation, which they envisioned as the means of promoting and publicizing aviation throughout the Western Hemisphere.


Weed Science ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodore M. Webster ◽  
John Cardina

Florida beggarweed is native to the Western Hemisphere but is naturalized around the world. During the last century, the mechanization of agriculture has transitioned Florida beggarweed from an important forage component to a weed of significance in the coastal plain of the southeast United States. This herbaceous annual is naturalized and found in fields and disturbed areas throughout the southern United States. The characteristics that made Florida beggarweed a good forage crop also make it a formidable weed. This review describes the importance of Florida beggarweed as a weed in the southern United States and the taxonomy of this species and details the distribution throughout the world and within the United States. The ecology of Florida beggarweed and its interactions with crop plants, insects, nematodes, and plant pathogens also are summarized. Finally, management of Florida beggarweed in agricultural systems using cultural practices and herbicides is reviewed.


Author(s):  
Jenny Heijun Wills

Transnational adoption from Asia began in the 1950s as an institutionalized practice. Since, hundreds of thousands of young people from countries such as South Korea, China, India, Vietnam, and the Philippines have been adopted and raised primarily in white families in places like the United States, Canada, and Australia but also Scandinavian countries and countries in western Europe. What began as a relief program for multiracial “war orphans” in South Korea has blossomed considerably and affects countries and people around the world; transnational adoption has become a popular industry that targets young people in countries including Guatemala, Brazil, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Haiti, and Russia. Today, transnational adoption continues to be a lucrative industry, though the practice seems to be dwindling in popularity and certain “sending nations” have recently declared its abolition (i.e., Ethiopia in 2017). The United States is by far the most prolific “receiving nation,” and is implicated as one of the greatest instigators, given that nation’s military presence in places such as South Korea and Vietnam in and around the years that transnational adoption expanded from those countries. While not nearly as many Canadians (in comparison to Americans) adopt from countries in Asia, adoptees raised in that country have unique experiences mainly due to vastly distinctive regionalism, that makes, for instance, the identities of Asian/Québécois adoptees uniquely precarious. Mexico is considered a “sending nation,” and since race and class factors rarely see young people both immigrating and migrating from the same nation under the auspices of transnational adoption (though it is not always the case; see, e.g., the United States’ history of sending black children for adoption to various European nations), it is mostly not included in conversations about transnational Asian/North American adoption. For decades, literature about transnational Asian/American adoption centered on adoptive parents, social workers, and pro-adoption activists. In the 1990s, Asian adoptees around the world began to recount their experiences of racial and cultural alienation, among other things, in life writing and poetry. Adoptees in North America were no exception. Asian/North American authors (as well as non-Asian writers) began exploring these subjectivities, too, usually in the context of examining racial, cultural, and national issues related to other Asian/North American subjects who were not subjects experienced. Across most of these representations—by adoptees and non-adoptees alike—the theme of personal and collective history is a notable focus, and adoptees are imagined as another meaningful example of the paradoxical and complex ways Asian/North Americans’ paper histories, immigration rights, and so-called model minorityhood have been levied. Transnational Asian/North American adoption continues to be a topic of fascination for so many writers and audiences and these representations cross genres, aesthetic modes, and narrative styles.


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 121-146
Author(s):  
Charmaine G. Misalucha

Abstract There is a need to reformulate the way in which we view international relations. Rather than simply a play at an obscure theater with the same characters reprising their respective roles based on an old script, international relations need to be seen as a play at the world stage whose script is always being reviewed, revised, rewritten, and renegotiated by characters who are actively searching for ways to be accommodated. In this way, the characters and the roles they play are provisional: they become who or what they are because of actions they take, and not necessarily because they are fated to be revered or condemned. To achieve the fluid nature of this script, one must pay attention to language games. These games allow for the participation of both sides of the equation – the Philippines and the United States – in the creation of the structure and direction of their relationship.


1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 624-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Bushnell Hart

Because of the many contributions made by America to the world's ideals of government, the nation has the feeling that it is quite adequate to work out its own principles on all other subjects without the aid of any other people. “ What have we to do with abroad ? ” said a United States senator from Ohio, only thirty years ago; and the word “ un-American ” covers a multitude of virtues. In fact the roots of American institutions of all kinds, social, economic, and political, are in the traditions of the English race; and American ideals have been modified by the experience of other European nations. Nor has the western hemisphere been separated from the great current of world affairs. Its destinies have been closely interwoven with those of Europe; and since 1895 the United States has awakened to the fact that it not only is a part of the sisterhood of nations, but is destined to be one of the half dozen states which will powerfully influence the future of all the continents. The world is no longer round about America; America is part of the world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Anna Rhodora Solar ◽  
John Matthew Poblete

The Philippines had its own share of colonial past. Just as other Asian and African countries which were under the Western colonizers, the Philippines partook of the momentous event that proposed an alternative to the world order dominated by superpowers—the Bandung Conference. The principles collectively known as Bandung Spirit were embraced by the Philippines and had a clear understanding of its symbolic significance. Yet such understanding of these principles was coupled with compromises on the Philippines relations with the United States. Over the decades, the Philippines had to do a balancing act between its being sovereign, independent state and its recognition of the relevance of its past colonial master—the US. Hence, this raises the question of whether the Philippines is living or leaving the Bandung Spirit. Specifically, this paper assesses whether the Philippines still upholds the same Bandung Spirit in its traditional form or has it given a contemporary understanding of it. The paper argues that the Philippine-US relations remain to be an evident display of US presence in Southeast Asia albeit redefined to blend with the Bandung Spirit.


Author(s):  
John A. Thompson

Between the Spanish-American war of 1898 and World War I, a progressive movement, in which Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were rival leaders, greatly extended the authority of the federal government in the nation’s domestic life, and also to some extent equipped it better to conduct foreign relations. Conscious that its economic growth had made the United States a great power, policymakers sought to expand the scope of its influence, but their ability to do so was limited by the difficulty of obtaining domestic support for actions involving significant costs. In practice, the extent to which the United States was able to affect the course of events beyond its borders varied in different regions. It established its hegemony over the Caribbean and Central America, and strengthened its political as well as economic links with the other countries in the western hemisphere. In East Asia, where it fought a brutal three-year war in the Philippines to suppress native resistance to its rule, the principal policy objective was to establish equal access for all foreign interests in China. But Washington found it difficult to uphold this Open Door principle in the face of challenges from Russia and Japan. With regard to Europe, the traditional posture of non-involvement in its great power politics was maintained, although Theodore Roosevelt and other leaders did come to see the relations of the European powers as affecting US interests, which they defined in a way that brought their perspective close to Britain’s. The establishment of peaceful methods of resolving international disputes was a goal of successive administrations, but the arbitration treaties that were negotiated won Senate approval only with reservations that severely limited their scope and authority.


1950 ◽  
Vol 1 (12) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
G. P. Groves

This article was solicited by the Missionary Research Library in order to oring to the attention or American missionary interests the valuable Missionary Research Series published by the Lutterworth press in London, which is all too little known in Canada and the united states. a number of the finest products of missionary study during the recent years have been published in this series. The sponsorship of the project rests with the Department of Missions at the Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham. Both that Department and the Lutterworth press are to be commended for this Joint contribution to the world mission of the Church. The support and encouragement of this enterprise by American missionary interests is urgently needed. The distribution and sale of the titles in the series must be considerably extended in the western hemisphere, If the project is to succeed and if the books are to have the consideration which they deserve. This article was written at the request of the Lutterworth press, following the appeal of the Library, by Dr. c. P. Gloves, the professor of Missions at the Selly Oak Colleges.—Editor.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-550 ◽  
Author(s):  
Will Smiley

Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?


2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 2-3
Author(s):  
Josiah Heyman ◽  
Evelyn Caballero ◽  
Alaka Wali

Anthropology has long been involved with public policy, both in its formulation and its implementation, though often we have ignored our direct and indirect involvement. The historiography of anthropology and power has focused mainly on three core nations, Great Britain, France, and the United States (see Asad 1973, Hymes 1972, and Vincent 1990). Other parts of the world appear in these accounts as colonial possessions, or not at all. Attention is now turning to the many, diverse national traditions in anthropology, including both scholarly and applied anthropology (Baba and Hill 1997, Hill and Baba 2006, Ribeiro and Escobar 2006). This special set of papers in Practicing Anthropology is a modest contribution in this direction, examining the interactions of anthropology and public policy in three national settings: Peru, the Philippines, and Mexico.


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