scholarly journals ICT and Online Social Movements for Good Governance in Nigeria

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Usman Adekunle Ojedokun

In Nigeria, the availability of different Internet-enabled social media has led to the emergence of online social movements advocating the principle of good governance in the affairs of the state. In view of this, this paper examined the evolution of online social movements in Nigeria, and the role of ICT in their mobilization for good governance. Resource mobilization theory was employed as the explanatory framework. The paper contends that though online social movements in Nigeria are generally in their embryonic stage, they are, nonetheless, increasingly influencing the three organs of government and shaping public policies in the country.

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard P. Gale

This article modifies resource mobilization theory to emphasize interaction among social movements, countermovements, and government agencies. The framework developed for tracing social movement-state relationships gives special attention to movement and countermovement agency alignments. There are six stages of movement-state relationships illustrated with an analysis of the contemporary environmental movement.


Author(s):  
Kenneth C. C. Yang ◽  
Yowei Kang

On March 18, 2014, a group of student protestors raided and occupied the Legislative Yuan and later the Executive Yuan in Taiwan. The student-led movement lasted for about 3 weeks after Taiwan's President made significant concessions to change his non-transparent practices when signing the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) with People's Republic of China. Mostly labelled as a movement of civil disobedience against government's dealings with China, the 318 Sunflower Student Movement is viewed as an important step toward the deepening of Taiwan's democratization process. Its repercussions were felt in Hong-Kong and Macao where similar civil disobedience movements had emerged. On the basis of the resource mobilization theory (RMT), the authors used a combination of case study and thematic analysis methods to examine the role of social media in political mobilization in Taiwan. This chapter identified two major recurrent themes as follows: challenging mainstream media and mobilizing multi-movement resources.


Politics ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maree Gladwin

Social movements of the 1960s have given rise to new theoretical perspectives such as Resource Mobilization Theory and theories of New Social Movements. Resource Mobilization Theory analyses the dynamics of mobilization: the effective organisation of social movements and their influence on mainstream political institutions. By contrast, New Social Movement theories seek to explain the anti-institutional nature of contemporary movements which are said to pursue radical social transformation through mainly cultural means. In this article, both theoretical approaches are examined but found to be inadequate explanations of the complexities of contemporary movements and their relationship with the political environment.


2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 841-861 ◽  
Author(s):  
Blayne Haggart

Abstract.Despite the growing importance of social media, their political effectiveness remains understudied. Drawing on and updating resource mobilization theory and political process theory, this article considers how social media make “political engagement more probable” and determine the success of online social movements. It does so by examining the mainstreaming of the Canadian “user rights” copyright movement, focusing on the Fair Copyright for Canada Facebook page, created in December 2007. This decentralized, grassroots, social media-focused action—the first successful campaign of its kind in Canada and one of the first in the world—changed the terms of the Canadian copyright debate and legitimized Canadian user rights. As this case demonstrates, social media have changed the type and quantity of resources needed to create and sustain social movements, creating openings for new groups and interests. Their success, however, remains dependent on the political context within which they operate.Résumé.Malgré l'importance croissante des médias sociaux, leur efficacité politique est encore peu étudiée. En s'appuyant sur et en mettant á jour la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources et la théorie du processus politique, cet article examine comment les médias sociaux rendent « l'engagement politique plus probable » (Jensen et al., 2012 : 16) et détermine la réussite des mouvements sociaux en ligne. Il le fait en examinant l'intégration du mouvement canadien de « droits d'utilisateur » dans le débat sur les droits d'auteur et en se concentrant sur la page FacebookFair Copyright for Canada, créée en décembre 2007. Cet action décentralisée populaire, axée sur les médias sociaux—la première campagne réussie de son genre au Canada et l'une des premières du monde—a changé les termes du débat sur les droits d'auteur canadiens et a légitimé les droits d'utilisateur canadiens. Cette affaire montre que les médias sociaux ont changé le type et la quantité des ressources nécessaires pour créer et maintenir les mouvements sociaux, et qu'ils ont crée, par la suite, des ouvertures pour des nouveaux groupes et intérêts. Leur succès reste cependant dépendant du contexte politique dans lequel elles opèrent.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019791832110114
Author(s):  
Sandra Ley ◽  
J. Eduardo Ibarra Olivo ◽  
Covadonga Meseguer

The resource mobilization theory has long emphasized the role of resources in facilitating collective mobilization. In turn, recent research on crime and insecurity in Mexico has drawn attention to the role of local networks of solidarity in facilitating mobilization against crime. We rely on these two literatures to propose that remittances — that is, the resources that emigrants send to their relatives left behind — deserve attention as international determinants of this type of non-violent anti-crime mobilization. Further, relying on recent research on remittances’ impact on political behavior, we hypothesize that the relationship between remittances and contentious action is non-linear, exhibiting a positive effect at low to moderate levels of inflows and declining at higher levels of remittances. We contend that at low to moderate levels, international remittances provide the necessary resources for collective activation. At greater levels of remittance inflows, however, lessened economic and security grievances imply a decline in the probability of protesting. Overall, we show that emigrant remittances matter for organizing protests against criminality at the subnational level but that they produce both an engagement and disengagement effect, depending on the size of the inflows.


Author(s):  
Alexandra A. Siegel

Drawing on almost a decade of public Egyptian Facebook posts, this chapter demonstrates that Islamist actors were particularly successful at gaining visibility and spreading narratives that advance their goals on social media, relative to other political actors. It also explores the political consequences of this online success, suggesting that the same social media technologies that facilitated the Muslim Brotherhood’s mobilization efforts in the post-revolution period may have also undermined the organization by accelerating its fragmentation, amplifying extremist voices, and giving the military regime a new authoritarian toolkit with which to fight the Brotherhood on- and offline. Motivated by resource mobilization theory, the chapter argues that movements with stronger organizational structures, greater access to resources, and more coherent ideologies are able to use new media technologies more successfully than more fragmented and less-well-funded groups.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattias Wahlström ◽  
Abby Peterson ◽  
Magnus Wennerhag

Foundation stones in the resource mobilization theory of social movements are the notions of “conscience adherents” and “conscience constituents,” first introduced by McCarthy and Zald in 1977. In this article, we revisit the concept of conscience adherent, by applying it to individuals and groups that are direct supporters of an LGBT movement, but who do not stand to directly benefit from the success should the movement accomplish its goals. Using quantitative data collected during Pride parades in Stockholm, Haarlem, London, and Warsaw, we analyze the group of participants who reported that they were lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender and compare them to heterosexual and gender-conforming participants, identifying factors that explain why people in the latter category participate in Pride parades. We argue that experiences of discrimination, knowing people from the beneficiary group, and/or subscribing to general principles of justice, contribute to conscience adherent participation. Furthermore, based on interviews with Pride parade organizers, we argue that mobilizations based on a more inclusive political strategy will attract more non-LGBT participants.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document