pride parades
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2021 ◽  
pp. 39-59
Author(s):  
Michael J. Rosenfeld

Chapter 3 tells the story of the Stonewall riots of 1969 and the small marches that grew up starting in 1970 to memorialize Stonewall. The marches became the Pride parades we know today, which have grown by a factor of more than 1,000 and spread across the world. Chapter 3 explains the antimarriage ideology of the Gay Liberation Front and tells the story of the American Psychiatric Association’s reclassification of homosexuality as a healthy manifestation of human sexuality in 1973. Early marriage plaintiffs Jack Baker and Michael McConnell faced a hostile legal climate and were unable to have their marriage recognized. The Christian Right rose in prominence in the 1970s on an anti-gay-rights message. There was a campaign of anti-gay-rights referenda that reached its pinnacle with the Briggs Initiative in California in 1978. The Briggs Initiative was defeated by Harvey Milk and other gay rights activists.


Simulacra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-156
Author(s):  
Wisnu Adihartono

Migration is associated with the search for a more permissive environment. By linking Paris as a place of attachment, the author sees that Paris in this case can be indicated as the “home” for Indonesian gays. The feeling of “full gay” is a feeling that they never get when they stay in Indonesia. That is why many Indonesian gays decide to move out of Indonesia in any way regardless of the difficulties they face in the destination country. This paper answer two questions: what do we understand by “Gay-friendly city”? And if we talk about Jakarta, “can Jakarta be categorized as a gay-friendly city”? The author interviewed eight Indonesian gays directly in Paris with the naturalistic paradigm and analyzed with the qualitative research, and what will be found in this paper is the narrative of the eight informants. It can be said that the Indonesian gays who have migrated to Paris do not feel that their lives have been wasted. They do diaspora by going to gay bars and participating in gay pride parades. What they feel is a feeling of freedom to be able to channel their gender and sexual expression, and they found that Paris as a gay-friendly city is a kind of space of resistance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-211
Author(s):  
Abhinav Tandon ◽  
T. S. Sathyanarayana Rao
Keyword(s):  

SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 215824402110231
Author(s):  
Sulaimon Giwa ◽  
Roddrick A. Colvin ◽  
Karun K. Karki ◽  
Delores V. Mullings ◽  
Leslie Bagg

Recently, a number of Canadian police forces have been banned from Pride parades. A ban on uniformed police in these parades has proven to be contentious; the general public and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and plus (LGBTQ+) communities have been split on the issue. Limited research has examined the perspectives of the general population or, until now, LGBTQ+ people on this matter. Using an online survey designed to gather ideas or opinions of LGBTQ+ community members regarding their hopes, aspirations, and vision for the St. John’s Pride board, 181 LGBTQ+ respondents responded to this question: Should the police be allowed to march in uniform at the St. John’s Pride parade? In total, 92 (51%) said “Yes.” A critical analysis of their qualitative responses revealed four interrelated themes: (a) power of Pride, (b) “they are we and we are they,” (c) “the police are on our side,” and (d) taking back Pride. Implications of the findings for police-LGBTQ+ community relations are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 434-458
Author(s):  
Jade Crimson Rose Da Costa
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Amit Kama ◽  
Yael Ram

The LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning) community is warmly embraced by the city of Tel Aviv. This phenomenon is exemplified by the fact that the Tel Aviv City Hall has been taking a leading part in the organization, financing, and promotion of Pride parades and events in recent years. The present article analyzes a quantitative survey of overseas participants in the 2016 Pride events in Tel Aviv. It explores the motivations, attitudes, satisfaction, and behaviors of tourists, both LGBTQ+ and non- LGBTQ+. The results show that Tel Aviv is perceived as gay friendly by all participants, regardless of their affiliation with the LGBTQ+ community. We discuss the advantages of being a gay-friendly city via high visibility and social inclusion. Finally, we address ‘pinkwashing’, an umbrella term employed to describe the efforts by Israeli authorities to promote a positive image of Israel despite its questioned geopolitical reputation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-292
Author(s):  
Ксения Сергеевна Семыкина

This article analyses media representations of LGBT social movements, taking the case of Saint Petersburg LGBT pride parades. The analysis is developed through the use of framing theory, which views the media as an arena where interest groups promote their own interpretations of particular issues. Frames juxtapose elements of the text in such a way as to provide the audience with a scheme within which to perceive the message. Social movements are viewed as interest groups that introduce new frames in public debate. Two types of frames can be distinguished: collective action frames and status quo frames. In this study, the usage of two collective action frames (equality frame and victim frame), and two status quo frames (morality frame and propaganda promoting homosexuality frame) were examined. Additionally, the sources of quotes used in news stories were analyzed. The study focuses on articles dedicated to Saint Petersburg LGBT pride marches in the years 2010–2017 in the most popular local Internet websites. The analysis shows that the coverage of LGBT pride marches can be divided into two distinct periods: 2010–2013 and 2014–2017. In the first period, LGBT activists dominated the coverage, quoted about twice as much as government officials. Equality and victim frames were prevalent. In the second period, activists were cited significantly less often, with the propaganda promoting homosexuality frame dominating the discourse. However, contrary to findings of previous studies on social movement representation, across the whole period under consideration, LGBT activists were quoted more often than government representatives. This finding calls for a further exploration of the conditions which allowed for such coverage in the context of political heterosexism and homophobia.


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