scholarly journals Burning the Midnight Oil: Clandestine Behavior, Hard Work, or Strategic Rush in Congressional Voting?

2009 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 229-250
Author(s):  
Phillip J. Ardoin

While the vast of majority voting in Congress occurs during regular working hours, two percent of the recorded votes and eleven percent of Key Votes each session over the last 15 years have occurred late into the evening. The purpose of this research is to examine this unique set of votes that members of Congress cast while burning the midnight oil. Although these late night votes represent only a small percentage of roll-call votes, they are clearly important to members of Congress, or at least their leaders, who are extremely busy. Roll-call votes scheduled late in the evening undoubtedly interfere with members’ regular schedules, and no member wants to spend their night on the hill after a long day of Washington work. The results of our analyses indicate the majority of late night voting can be explained by the strategic rush hypothesis which suggests members burn the midnight oil prior to long recesses and also later in the week in order to return to their constituents. We also find late night voting may be the result of an over burdened legislature. Finally, our results confirm the growing power of Congressional leaders, particularly in the House, to utilize and even abuse the legislative schedule to meet their policy and reelection goals.

ILR Review ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory M. Saltzman

This study measures the impact of labor and corporate political action committee (PAC) contributions on the voting of members of the House of Representatives on labor issues during 1979–80. It also analyzes the allocation of labor PAC contributions among House candidates. PAC contributions were found to have a significant direct effect on roll-call voting, even controlling for the Representative's political party and characteristics of the constituency. Since PAC money also affects roll-call voting indirectly (by influencing which party wins elections), the overall impact of PAC money on Congressional voting is probably substantial. The author also finds that labor PACs have focused more on influencing the outcome of elections than on currying favor with powerful members of the House who are likely to be re-elected anyway.


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Cnudde ◽  
Donald J. McCrone

Warren E. Miller and Donald E. Stokes' publication in 1963 of a preliminary report on the Survey Research Center's representation study is an important landmark in the development of empirical political theory. That report addressed itself to the crucial theoretical question of the linkage between mass political opinions and governmental policy-making. More specifically, the report found considerable policy agreement between Congressional roll call votes and the attitudes of the individual Congressman's constituency. This policy agreement was then interpreted through several causal paths and the Congressman's perception of his constituency's attitudes was found to be the main path by which the local district ultimately influenced Congressional outputs.The main body of the report dealt with the broad civil rights issue dimension, and, by specifying the perceptual path by which constituency influence is brought to bear, documented the effect of political issues despite the generally low level of political information held at the mass level. Thus, the Congressmen, through their broad cognitive evaluations, were aware of how far they could proceed in determining their civil rights roll call votes on the basis of their own attitudes before risking the displeasure of their constituents.Beyond such major substantive contributions the representation study introduced to political science a variance-apportioning technique similar to that developed by Sewall Wright, in 1921. Through this variance-apportioning technique, the importance of the perceptual link was isolated and evaluated. This study, then, symbolizes the growing recognition in political science of the importance of more sophisticated methodological tools in the process of theory building.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 955-976 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith T. Poole ◽  
Howard Rosenthal ◽  
Kenneth Koford

Two related issues have developed in the scale analysis of voting in the U. S. Congress. One is methodological; it concerns the appropriate dimensionalizing model. The other is more substantive, entailing interpretation of the extent to which voting dimensions carry an ideological component. Kenneth Koford contributed to consideration of these issues in his research note, “Dimensions in Congressional Voting,” in the September 1989 issue of this Review. In this controversy, his claims are challenged vigorously by Keith T. Poole and Howard Rosenthal. In turn, Koford defends his argument that “much roll call voting in Congress does not fit a single dimension.”


1972 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 1306-1315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert F. Weisberg

Guttman scaling is the usual procedure for scaling legislative roll-call votes. This paper calls attention to an alternative scaling model—the proximity model. Under this model, legislators approve a consecutive set of items on the scale, without the cumulation required by the Guttman scale. Circumstances under which proximity voting is likely are discussed. Congressional voting on the Compromise of 1850 is analyzed in detail to illustrate the proximity model and to emphasize the possibility of obtaining faulty inferences if one uses the Guttman scale model when it is incorrect. Guttman scaling has been successful for contemporary Congresses, but the proximity model is seen to underlie some issues in the early 1970s. Proximity scaling is not limited to the legislative realm; it can be used in survey analysis and in attitudinal research more generally.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aage R. Clausen ◽  
Richard B. Cheney

The manifest purpose of the roll call analysis described in this paper is that of demonstrating the existence of two policy dimensions in Congressional voting: economic and welfare. Support is sought for two propositions:I. Each of the two dimensions appears in both the House and the Senate in each of six Congresses, the 83rd through the 88th, 1953–1964;II. Roll call voting on the economic policy dimension is more heavily influenced by partisan differences while welfare policy voting is more subject to constituency constraints.The second proposition is significant as an attempt to distinguish between a policy dimension on which partisan differences appear to be responsible for the greater part of the voting variation, and a policy dimension on which constituency factors have a substantial impact. This bears upon the more general concern with distinguishing those party differences in voting behavior which are a function of an independent partisan factor from those which may be attributed to any number of factors correlated with partisan affiliation. This problem will be viewed from different analytic perspectives, including an analysis of the effects of intra-party and inter-party personnel turnover on the policy positions taken by representatives of the same constituency.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 949-962 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Koford

While dimensional studies of congressional voting find a single, ideological dimension, regression estimates find several constituency and party dimensions in addition to ideology. I rescale several unidimensional studies to show their increased classification success over the null hypothesis that votes are not unidimensional. Several null hypotheses are explored. With these null hypotheses, 66%–75% of nonunidimensional roll call votes are nevertheless correctly classified by one dimension. After the rescaling, one dimension succeeds in correctly classifying 25%–50% of the votes, and second and third dimensions are important.


Comunicar ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura López-Romero

Public television and private TV channels in Spain have educational programs, not as many as it would be necessary, for children and for adults. However, one of the biggest problems for these kind of programs are the time they are on television, that is to say, there are many specific programs that the TV viewer cannot watch because it is working hours for adults or school hours for children or even they are scheduled late at night. Prácticamente desde sus orígenes, la vertiente educativa del medio televisivo ha estado relegada al entretenimiento y la información. Sin embargo, han sido varias las iniciativas de espacios formativos por parte de las televisiones públicas y privadas desde su creación en los años 50 en nuestro país. La televisión es un medio didáctico cuyos espacios de carácter educativo han sido diseñados para ser visionados en el horario escolar bajo revisión del tutor, con el objetivo de apoyar los procesos de enseñanza y aprendizaje y también para ser consumidos desde el hogar por interés personal del telespectador. El concepto de televisión educativa engloba tanto a aquellos espacios televisivos que están vinculados a un currículum académico, como los que tienen alguna intencionalidad educativa implícita o explícitamente. En España, desde el nacimiento de la televisión, han sido varios los espacios educativos que, aunque no han tenido una continuidad muy acusada en el tiempo, han fomentado el aprendizaje a través de la pantalla. Algunos de estos programas continúan hoy, destacando « La Aventura del Saber» como baluarte de la televisión pública y «That's English». En el caso del canal autonómico Canal Sur, el espacio «El Club de las Ideas». El principal problema al que se enfrenta el telespectador interesado en una televisión educativa de calidad es la hora de emisión. Muchos de estos programas se emiten en horario escolar o laboral y a altas horas la noche, superando la franja de late night. En esta comunicación se han tenido en cuenta los principales espacios televisivos de la televisión pública y privadas que responden a una intencionalidad educativa. La idea principal es estudiar cuál es el horario de emisión de dichos programas, prestando atención a la disponibilidad del telespectador. Hay importantes diferencias entre las televisiones públicas y privadas, en principio lógico, dado el servicio público que deben cumplir las primeras. Los programas contenedores dirigidos a un público infantil sí cumplen con la dualidad que ha querido crear para este estudio: emisión-disponibilidad del telespectador. Sin embargo, las cadenas privadas pecan de no incluir en su programación diaria espacios que atiendan a esta franja de edad. Por otro lado, los programas divulgativos son los que están más marginados en las parrillas de las televisiones. Muchos de ellos están situados en avanzadas horas de la noche y la madrugada, que como consecuencia, la única opción para verlos sería grabarlos. Los documentales, por el contrario, no están tan degradados en la parrilla. Las tardes de los fines de semana y la hora de la sobremesa son las franjas más utilizadas por los segundos canales para la emisión de estos espacios. Aquellos programas que están destinados a una audiencia mayoritaria ocupan los horarios de mañana, tarde y prime time. Los programas que, en principio, parecen estar destinado a una audiencia minoritaria, están más escondidos en las parrillas y hay que saber buscarlos. Claramente hay excepciones que se analizarán a lo largo de esta comunicación. Lo esencial para cualquier espectador es conocer toda la oferta televisiva para saber elegir.


1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Wright

This study uses information about the organizational arrangements of five major political action committees to develop an explanation for the extent to which PAC contributions are capable of influencing congressional voting decisions. The explanation claims that the processes by which PACs raise and allocate money must be understood before the impact of money on roll call decisions can be appreciated. In contrast to some previous studies, this analysis demonstrates with marked clarity the limited nature of PAC influence.


2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin O. Fordham ◽  
Timothy J. McKeown

Studies of the effects of interest groups on congressional roll-call voting typically view party and ideology as competing factors and rely on a factoral model of interests or a sectoral model including only interest groups with a direct stake in the vote. We depart from that strategy in several ways. We define interest groups at the level of Standard Industrial Classification two-digit codes and observe the universe of interests. For 1979–90, we use measures of geographically and nongeographically based economic interests to estimate the representative's party and ideology. We also consider the factor endowments of individuals within a district to examine their impact on floor votes. We then investigate the influence of these interests on members' party affiliation and ideology, as well as a pool of five floor votes on foreign trade, using instrumental variables for party and ideology. Economic interests account for a substantial portion of the variance in all cases, and models that also include other explanatory variables are highly accurate in estimating floor votes.


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