scholarly journals Funeral Reform and the Materiality of Death in the Russian Civil War

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasia Papushina

Based on documents produced by various Soviet institutions in Moscow, Ivanovo-Voznesensk, and Yaroslavl’ in 1917–1922, this paper looks at the transformations of the Soviet funeral industry during the Civil War. After the October Revolution, a series of decrees proclaimed the secularization of funeral practices and attempted to purify them of monetary relations and hierarchy. The funeral ranks, or razryady, were eliminated, and Soviet institutions were obliged to provide equal services for all citizens regardless of their social background. This initiative was part of a larger project of creating a new man with new values by changing everyday practices. Due to administrative difficulties caused by the regime change and wartime challenges, the implementation of the funeral reform was fraught with perturbations at state, local, and family level. In Moscow, these problems led to the fullfledged “funeral crisis” of 1919, when the rise in mortality, serious shortages in supplies, and bureaucratic prevarications resulted in dead bodies being left unburied for prolonged periods of time. In the smaller towns of Ivanovo-Voznesensk and Yaroslavl’, the crisis was less intense, and the funeral industry, while being transformed in accordance with the decrees, could still cope with popular demands. Several factors might explain this difference, including town size and the less rigid attitude of the provincial authorities to the implementation of funeral innovations. The ambitious funeral reform was not entirely successful: this paper argues that the attempts to change this death-related industry did not concern the fundamental norms of dealing with the dead, namely the idea shared by both the Soviet officials and the population that a dead body deserves personal space, privacy, and respect.

2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2020 ◽  
pp. 461-471
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ganin ◽  

The memoirs of general P. S. Makhrov are devoted to the events of 1939 and the campaign of the Red army in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Pyotr Semyonovich Makhrov was a General staff officer, participant of the Russian-Japanese war, World War I, and the Russian Civil war. In 1918, Makhrov lived in Ukraine, and in 1919-1920 he took part in the White movement in Southern Russia, after which he emigrated. In exile he lived in France, where he wrote his extensive memoirs. The events of September 1939 could not pass past his attention. At that time, the Red army committed approach in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Contrary to the widespread Anti-Sovietism among the white emigrants, Makhrov perceived the incident with enthusiasm as a return of Russia to its ancestral lands occupied by the Poles.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Alexis Peri

AbstractThis article examines the everyday practices of historical reflection, recollection, and reconstruction as revealed in diaries of the Leningrad Blockade. In particular, it focuses on how Leningraders who chose to keep diaries of their experiences worked to make sense of the siege by situating it historically and comparing it to two other historical moments, the blockade of Petrograd during the Civil War and the siege of Sevastopol' during the Crimean War. Their evaluations of these historical analogies were based on a combination of personal and collective memories as well as on their understandings of state-sanctioned accounts of these events. Ultimately, these historical refl ections alerted the diarists to what they came to see as the unique and incomparable aspects of Blockade.


Author(s):  
А.В. Венков

Во время гражданской войны в России казаки, выступившие в большинстве против большевиков, казались представителям советской власти враждебной монолитной силой. Лишь небольшая часть казаков поддержала большевиков. Проводя против казаков репрессивную политику, представители власти в первую очередь старались показать, что карают белых казаков, которые убивали красных казаков. Случай, когда восставшие казаки казнили казаков, возглавлявших на Дону советское правительство, стал идеальным поводом для репрессий против казаков вообще. В статье рассматривается судебное дело, в котором уцелевшие после гражданской войны белые казаки преследуются именно по обвинению в убийстве лидеров красных казаков. Показано, как изменение политики власти по отношению к казачеству влияет на решение суда, как после изменения политики тех же людей и по тем же обвинениям не отпускают домой, а расстреливают. During the Russian Civil War the Cossacksstrongly acted against the Bolsheviks. Soviet government perceived them as a solid antagonistic force. Only a few Cossackssupported the Bolsheviks. The Bolshevik policy of systematic repressions against Cossacks of the Russian Empire was aimed at the White Cossacks who killed the Red ones. The case when rebel Cossacksexecuted those Cossacks supporting the Soviet Government, became the perfect trigger for launching repression against Cossacks in general. The article examines the court case in which the White Cossacks who survived the Civil War have been charged with the murder of Red Cossacks leaders. It is shown how politics affect the decisions of the court.


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