scholarly journals Music Therapy in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Forinash

As I have just come on board as the editor for North America for this particular issue I will address music therapy in the US. Future issues of the journal will focus on music therapy in other parts of North America.

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (22) ◽  
pp. 33209-33251
Author(s):  
J. Feng ◽  
H. Liao ◽  
J. Li

Abstract. The Pacific-North America teleconnection (PNA) is the leading general circulation pattern in the troposphere over the region of North Pacific to North America during wintertime. This study examined the impacts of monthly variation of the PNA phase (positive or negative phase) on wintertime surface-layer aerosol concentrations in the US by analyzing observations during 1999–2013 from the Air Quality System of Environmental Protection Agency (EPA-AQS) and the model results for 1986–2006 from the global three-dimensional Goddard Earth Observing System (GEOS) chemical transport model (GEOS-Chem). The composite analyses on the EPA-AQS observations over 1999–2003 showed that the average concentrations of PM2.5, sulfate, nitrate, ammonium, organic carbon, and black carbon aerosols over the US were higher in the PNA positive phases than in the PNA negative phases by 1.4 μg m−3 (12.7 %), 0.1 μg m−3 (6.4 %), 0.3 μg m−3 (39.1 %), 0.2 μg m−3 (22.8 %), 0.8 μg m−3 (21.3 %), and 0.2 μg m−3 (34.1 %), respectively. The simulated geographical patterns of the differences in concentrations of all aerosol species between the PNA positive and negative phases were similar to observations. Based on the GEOS-Chem simulation driven by the assimilated meteorological fields, the PNA-induced variation in planetary boundary layer height was found to be the most dominant meteorological factor that influenced the concentrations of PM2.5, sulfate, ammonium, organic carbon, and black carbon, and the PNA-induced variation in temperature was the most important parameter that influenced nitrate aerosol. Results from this work have important implications for understanding and prediction of air quality in the United States.


Subject NAFTA update. Significance Negotiators from Canada, Mexico and the United States will reconvene this month to address major disagreements on critical NAFTA provisions. The meeting will give negotiators their first opportunity to take stock of their governments' respective positions in the aftermath of Mexico's elections, the recent imposition of key US import tariffs and the retaliatory measures taken by US trading partners. While the grounds for agreement exist, the chances of a rapid conclusion are remote. Impacts Trade uncertainty will hit prospects for industrial growth, earnings, cash flow and investment across North America. The Canadian dollar and the peso are likely to remain weak against the US dollar throughout 2018. The threat of new US auto tariffs may hasten agreement on NAFTA auto provisions, giving Trump an early negotiating victory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angelika Banzhoff

Meningococcal disease is rare, easily misdiagnosed, and potentially deadly. Diagnosis in the early stages is difficult and the disease often progresses extremely rapidly. In North America, the incidence of invasive meningococcal disease (IMD) is highest in infants and young children, with a secondary peak in adolescents, a population predominantly responsible for the carriage of disease. Neisseria meningitidis serogroup B (MenB) accounts for a large proportion of meningococcal disease in North America, with documented outbreaks in three universities in the United States (US) during 2008–2013. Vaccination is the most effective way to protect against this aggressive disease that has a narrow timeframe for diagnosis and treatment. 4CMenB is a multi-component vaccine against MenB which contains four antigenic components. We describe in detail the immunogenicity and safety profile of 4CMenB based on results from four clinical trials; the use of 4CMenB to control MenB outbreaks involving vaccination at two US colleges during outbreaks in 2013–2014; and the use of 4CMenB in a Canadian mass vaccination campaign to control the spread of MenB disease. We discuss the reasons why adolescents should be vaccinated against MenB, by examining both the peak in disease incidence and carriage. We consider whether herd protection may be attained for MenB, by discussing published models and comparing with meningitis C (MenC) vaccines. In conclusion, MenB vaccines are now available in the US for people aged 10–25 years, representing an important opportunity to reduce the incidence of IMD in the country across the whole population, and more locally to combat MenB outbreaks.


2009 ◽  
Vol 123 (4) ◽  
pp. 346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marsha A. Sovada ◽  
Robert O. Woodward ◽  
Lawrence D. Igl

The Swift Fox (Vulpes velox) was once common in the shortgrass and mixed-grass prairies of the Great Plains of North America. The species' abundance declined and its distribution retracted following European settlement of the plains. By the late 1800s, the species had been largely extirpated from the northern portion of its historical range, and its populations were acutely depleted elsewhere. Swift Fox populations have naturally recovered somewhat since the 1950s, but overall abundance and distribution remain below historical levels. In a 1995 assessment of the species' status under the US Endangered Species Act, the US Fish and Wildlife Service concluded that a designation of threatened or endangered was warranted, but the species was "precluded from listing by higher listing priorities." A major revelation of the 1995 assessment was the recognition that information useful for determining population status was limited. Fundamental information was missing, including an accurate estimate of the species' distribution before European settlement and an estimate of the species' current distribution and trends. The objectives of this paper are to fill those gaps in knowledge. Historical records were compiled and, in combination with knowledge of the habitat requirements of the species, the historical range of the Swift Fox is estimated to be approximately 1.5 million km2. Using data collected between 2001 and 2006, the species' current distribution is estimated to be about 44% of its historical range in the United States and 3% in Canada. Under current land use, approximately 39% of the species' historical range contains grassland habitats with very good potential for Swift Fox occupation and another 10% supports grasslands with characteristics that are less preferred (e.g., a sparse shrub component or taller stature) but still suitable. Additionally, land use on at least 25% of the historical range supports dryland farming, which can be suitable for Swift Fox occupation. In the United States, approximately 52% of highest quality habitats currently available are occupied by Swift Foxes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 4927-4943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jin Feng ◽  
Hong Liao ◽  
Jianping Li

Abstract. The Pacific–North America teleconnection (PNA) is the leading general circulation pattern in the troposphere over the region of North Pacific to North America during wintertime. This study examined the impacts of monthly variations of the PNA phase (positive or negative phase) on wintertime surface-layer aerosol concentrations in the United States (US) by analyzing observations during 1999–2013 from the Air Quality System of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA-AQS) and the model results for 1986–2006 from the global three-dimensional Goddard Earth Observing System (GEOS) chemical transport model (GEOS-Chem). The composite analyses on the EPA-AQS observations over 1999–2013 showed that the average concentrations of PM2.5, sulfate, nitrate, ammonium, organic carbon, and black carbon aerosols over the US were higher in the PNA positive phases (25 % of the winter months examined, and this fraction of months had the highest positive PNA index values) than in the PNA negative phases (25 % of the winter months examined, and this fraction of months had the highest negative PNA index values) by 1.0 µg m−3 (8.7 %), 0.01 µg m−3 (0.5 %), 0.3 µg m−3 (29.1 %), 0.1 µg m−3 (11.9 %), 0.6 µg m−3 (13.5 %), and 0.2 µg m−3 (27.8 %), respectively. The simulated geographical patterns of the differences in concentrations of all aerosol species between the PNA positive and negative phases were similar to observations. Based on the GEOS-Chem simulation, the pattern correlation coefficients were calculated to show the impacts of PNA-induced variations in meteorological fields on aerosol concentrations. The PNA phase was found (i) to influence sulfate concentrations mainly through changes in planetary boundary layer height (PBLH), precipitation (PR), and temperature; (ii) to influence nitrate concentrations mainly through changes in temperature; and (iii) to influence concentrations of ammonium, organic carbon, and black carbon mainly through changes in PR and PBLH. Results from this work have important implications for the understanding and prediction of air quality in the US.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document