scholarly journals From global discourse to local action: the makings of a sexual rights movement?

2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (26) ◽  
pp. 13-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Garcia ◽  
Richard Parker

This paper focuses on the development of discourses around sexual rights, linking tendencies in official global dialogues with national and local realities. Recognizing some of the factors that have facilitated or impeded discourses and action to promote sexual rights around the world, we explore the principles and processes of framing sexual rights and sexual citizenship. We consider political opportunity and the mobilization of resources as important as cultural and emotional interpretations of sexual rights in conceptualizing a "sexual rights movement". Throughout the paper we question whether a movement based on solidarity can be forged between different social movements (i.e., feminist movements, HIV/AIDS movements, LGBT movements, etc.) that are advocating for distinct sexual rights. While theoretically sexual rights range from protection from sexual violation to the celebration of sexual pleasure, in reality the agendas of sexual rights movements are still largely fragmented, heteronormative, and focused on negative rights.

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-161
Author(s):  
Dennis Niemann

AbstractIn Chap. 10.1007/978-3-030-78885-8_5, Dennis Niemann analyzes international organizations (IOs) and their education ideas. Different ideological paradigms dominated the global education discourse at different periods. Fundamentally, they revolve around two poles of an economic utilitarian view on education and on an interpretation that emphasizes the social and cultural value of education. Both leitmotifs were influenced by general developments in world politics, and they were also reflected within IOs. Niemann analyzes how global education IOs, specifically the World Bank, the OECD, UNESCO, and the ILO, influenced the global discourse on education. First, he argues that within the IOs, the antipodal views on education became more complementary over time. Second, he demonstrates the pattern of interaction between the IOs has also changed from competition to cooperation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Angélica Peñas Defago ◽  
Violeta Cánaves

Abstract The case of El Salvador provides unique evidence of how solidarity is possible among different social movements in struggles over abortion law reform and its impact, even in contexts of extreme criminalization. The paper depicts a concrete example of how networks centered on abortion struggles can go beyond feminist movements and national borders, and shows the domestic impact of broadening the scope of the audience, the actors involved, and the spheres where abortion law discussions take place. The article focuses on the evolution of socio-legal mobilization regarding abortion in El Salvador over the last two decades. This evolution is presented through three moments: the first centers on the legal actions that feminist movements orchestrated in the mid-2000's around the Beatriz case. The second moment focuses on the most outstanding features of the “Las 17” campaign – a collaborative and international experience that entailed the submission of seventeen pardon petitions on behalf of women who had been convicted of homicide after having miscarriages. Finally, a third moment entails the socio-legal strategies embraced by feminist movements since 2018 within the framework of the campaign named “Las 17+”.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110488
Author(s):  
Adrian Rivera-Rodriguez ◽  
Greg Larsen ◽  
Nilanjana Dasgupta

Two studies examined whether men’s perception of the declining value of traditional masculinity activates social status, realistic, and symbolic threat, and in turn motivates opposition to feminist social movements. In Study 1, men’s perception that their ingroup is losing value across several social spheres was associated with social status and realistic threat, both of which were associated with opposition to feminist movements. Study 2, an experiment, presented men with public opinion data showing a 30-year decline in the degree to which Americans value traditional masculinity or no decline. Information about the declining value of masculinity activated status threat, which motivated less support for feminist movements. Among men who highly identified as masculine, this same information reduced support for feminist movements through symbolic threat. In sum, perceived decline in the social value of traditional masculinity creates status anxiety about the ingroup’s future and motivates compensatory reactions against gender equality.


Author(s):  
Jonah Winn-Lentsky

On a sweltering day in early July 2006 two events took place that would seemingly have little relationship to one another. England lost the World-Cup game against Portugal that would seal their fate for that season and EuroPride was celebrated throughout London's West End. On this particular day these two events did come together, violently. A third happening also took place that night, an event that had been planned months before and yet seemed to take both events into account in its critique of sexual citizenship and nationality. EuroShame, a night of instillations and satire held at a large Vauxhall warehouse, was intended to critique the codification and corporatization of the GLBTI community.


Author(s):  
Dana M. Williams

Implicit in the study of social movements is the fact that movements require many people collectively participating together in some fashion to succeed. Social capital—the valuable social connections individuals have with others—is one way of approximating people's relationships to each other. Movements both require social capital in order to form and succeed, but movements also create social capital while organizing. This chapter explores the ideas from major social capital theorists, including James Coleman, Pierre Bourdieu, and Robert Putnam, and considers the value of social capital (which is infrequently utilized in movement analysis) for anarchist movements. Important attributes of social capital, such as trust, information channels, norms, and others receive particular focus. A closer inspection suggests that the dense networks of anarchist association serve as a bulwark against state repression, but also alienates the movement from wider audiences, unless efforts are not made to popularize discursive frames and organizing methods. The World Values Survey is used to explore the extent to which anarchist-inclined people—who trust in others, but lack confidence in government—throughout the world are more apt to protest and advocate revolution.


Author(s):  
Brandie L. Martin ◽  
Anthony A. Olorunnisola

Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors’ intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens’ access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens’ communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.


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