scholarly journals Uruguay, 1968. Algunas líneas de análisis derivadas del estudio de la protesta estudiantil en un país periférico

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The World ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Cycles Of Protest

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.

The Ballot and the Street: An Electoral Theory of Social Protest in Autocracies

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guillermo Trejo
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Electoral Incentives ◽  
Social Activists ◽  
Electoral Coalitions ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Cycles Of Protest ◽  
Opposition Parties

This article presents a new explanation of the widespread occurrence of cycles of protest in electoral autocracies – the most common type of authoritarian regime in the world today. Because multiparty elections in autocracies are partially free but unfair, opposition parties are compelled to compete for office while contesting the rules of competition. To fulfill this dual goal, opposition parties actively seek to recruit a wide variety of independent social movements who can provide votes and lead major mobilizations during election campaigns and in post-election rallies to denounce fraud. Because electoral participation can cause divisions within social movements, social activists join socio-electoral coalitions when opposition parties offer them financial and logistic resources and institutional protection to mobilize for their causes during non-election times. This quid pro quo explains how isolated protest events become aggregated into powerful cycles of mobilization and why protest is more intense during elections but persists beyond election cycles. When political liberalization leads to increasingly free and fair elections, the prospect of victory motivates opposition parties to discourage radical mobilization, bringing cycles of protest to an end. Drawing on an original database of indigenous protest in Mexico and on case studies, I provide quantitative and qualitative evidence of the causal impact of electoral incentives on the rise, development and decline of a powerful cycle of indigenous protest as Mexico transitioned from one-party to multi-party autocracy and into democracy. Beyond Mexico, I show that the introduction of multiparty elections in a wide variety of autocracies around the world gave rise to major cycles of protest and discuss why the relationship between the ballot and the street is a crucial factor for understanding the dynamics of stability and change of authoritarian regimes.

scholarly journals Intolerance of uncertainty modulates brain-to-brain synchrony during politically polarized perception

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (20) ◽  
pp. e2022491118
Author(s):  
Jeroen M. van Baar ◽  
David J. Halpern ◽  
Oriel FeldmanHall
Keyword(s):  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Neural Synchrony ◽  
Neural Processing ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Narratives ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Video Material ◽  
The Brain

Political partisans see the world through an ideologically biased lens. What drives political polarization? Although it has been posited that polarization arises because of an inability to tolerate uncertainty and a need to hold predictable beliefs about the world, evidence for this hypothesis remains elusive. We examined the relationship between uncertainty tolerance and political polarization using a combination of brain-to-brain synchrony and intersubject representational similarity analysis, which measured committed liberals’ and conservatives’ (n = 44) subjective interpretation of naturalistic political video material. Shared ideology between participants increased neural synchrony throughout the brain during a polarizing political debate filled with provocative language but not during a neutrally worded news clip on polarized topics or a nonpolitical documentary. During the political debate, neural synchrony in mentalizing and valuation networks was modulated by one’s aversion to uncertainty: Uncertainty-intolerant individuals experienced greater brain-to-brain synchrony with politically like-minded peers and lower synchrony with political opponents—an effect observed for liberals and conservatives alike. Moreover, the greater the neural synchrony between committed partisans, the more likely that two individuals formed similar, polarized attitudes about the debate. These results suggest that uncertainty attitudes gate the shared neural processing of political narratives, thereby fueling polarized attitude formation about hot-button issues.

scholarly journals Political Parties and Participative Approaches to Democracy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Gianolla
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Participatory Democracy ◽  
Good Practice ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Representative Model ◽  
The Relationship

Representative democracy is currenty facing strong social criticism for its incapacity to envolve people in a way that makes them part of the decision-making process. An existing gap between the representatives and the represented is hereby emphasized. In this space, the role of political parties is central in order to bridge society with institutions. How much are parties concerned about this issue? How and in which context do they interact more with their electorate and the wider society? Participatory democracy is emerging throughout the world in different forms and with different results, but the dominant pattern of democracy remains the liberal western democratic paradigm in which people can contribute barely through electing candidates. In order to achieve what Boaventura de Sousa Santos calls ‘democratisation of democracy’ the role of political parties is therefore fundamental in particular to achieve a more participative democracy within the representative model. This article approaches this theme through a bibliographic review comparing social movements and political parties with a focus on the innovation of the Five Star Movement in Italy. Finally, it provides a reading of the relationship between political parties andparticipation, including good practice and perspectives.KEYWORDS: Participation, political parties, social movements, political movements, representative democracy, participatory democracy.

A New Quarrel

On Universals ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-120
Author(s):  
Étienne Balibar
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Philosophical Anthropology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common ◽  
To Come ◽  
Question Today ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Universe

This chapter assesses the new “quarrel of universals” that now occupies philosophy and other overlapping disciplines. In this new quarrel, the question today is not only whether one is for or against the universal; the question is also how one defines the universal—a term whose surprising equivocity has become increasingly clear. Still more fundamentally, the question is how one should articulate the relationship between three related but heterogeneous terms whose widespread use has prompted conflicting claims: the universal, universality, and universalisms. The chapter begins by situating the question of the universal and its variations within the field that seems to constitute the strategic site of intersecting domains: philosophical anthropology, understood as the analysis of the historical differences of the human and of the problem that those differences pose to their bearers. It then outlines the difficulties which can be identified in every philosophical and political usage of the universal and its “doubles” according to three aporias. The first is the aporia of the multiplicity of the “world,” or of the universe as multiversum; the second is that of Allgemeinheit or All(en)gemeinheit, in other words, the irreducible gap between the universal and the common (or community); and, finally, that of co-citizenship, the form of belonging to a political unity to come, a unity whose law of belonging (membership) would be the heterogeneity within equality or the political participation of those foreign to the community.

18. Political Participation

2020 ◽  
pp. 318-335
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual’s probability to become politically active.

Hollow parties and their movement-ization: The populist conundrum

2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 1084-1105
Author(s):  
Jean L. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Western Democracies

This article focuses on the relationship between social movements and political parties in the context of populist challenges to constitutional democracy. There are many reasons for the current plight of democracy but I focus here on one aspect: the decline of mainstream political parties, the emergence of new forms of populist movement parties and the general crisis of political representation in long consolidated Western democracies. This article analyses the specific political logic and dynamics of social movements – the logic of influence, and distinguishes it from that of political parties – the logic of power. It addresses transformations in movements, parties and their relationships. It looks at the shifts in movement and party types that constitute the political opportunity structure for the emergence of new populist movement party forms and relationships, focusing on the hollowing out and movement-ization of political parties. Contemporary populist movement parties are not the cause of the hollowing out or movement-ization of political parties. Rather they are a response to the crisis of political representation exemplified by hollow parties and cartel parties. But it is my thesis that thanks to its specific logic, populism fosters the worst version of movement party relationships, undermining the democratic functions of both.

18. Political participation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual's probability to become politically active.

Prediction and Planning in Culture Change

1959 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Steward
Keyword(s):  
Social Science ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
Culture Change ◽  
Applied Anthropology ◽  
Social Planning ◽  
Salient Points ◽  
Native Populations ◽  
The World ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This paper is concerned with the relationship of prediction in cultural change to social planning. More specifically, it outlines some salient points regarding prediction of acculturation among contemporary native populations in various parts of the world and suggests the implications of forecasts of such acculturation for applied anthropology and social science in general.

scholarly journals O Brasil e o movimento social global: uma análise dos eventos de junho de 2013 em perspectiva histórica │ Brazil and the global social movement: an analysis of June 2013 events in historical perspective

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cesar Ricardo Siqueira Bolaño ◽  
Adilson Vaz Cabral Filho
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Traditional Society ◽  
Mega Events ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
United States Mexico ◽  
The Relationship

RESUMO Este artigo se propõe a analisar os movimentos sociais contemporâneos a partir de manifestações recentes em diferentes países como Egito, Tunísia, Espanha, Estados Unidos, México, Turquia e Brasil. Tendo como ponto de partida as questões em disputa em torno dos movimentos sociais brasileiros na relação de contrastes e semelhanças com outros países citados, busca compreender e oferecer pistas para sua configuração e identidade, para a plataforma de atuação e demandas que empreendem e para as interações e vinculações desses movimentos com movimentos sociais tradicionais, partidos e o posicionamento em relação à democracia representativa. Trata-se de uma abordagem teórica dos conceitos envolvidos, em torno do tema e do enfoque proposto, mas também descritiva e analítica, em torno das questões que estes movimentos sociais contemporâneos inserem no debate, como o diálogo entre demandas econômicas, políticas e socioculturais; a relação com o Estado e organizações tradicionais da sociedade, como partidos e sindicatos, e a relação com as mídias tradicionais e contemporâneas.Palavras-chave: Comunicação; Economia política; Movimentos sociais; Megaeventos esportivos.ABSTRACT This article aims to analyze contemporary social movements from recent demonstrations in different countries like Egypt, Tunisia, Spain, United States, Mexico, Turkey and Brazil. Taking as its starting point the issues in dispute over Brazilian social movements in relation of contrasts and similarities with other countries mentioned, it seeks to understand and provide clues to its configuration and identity, to the platform of action and demands that they undertake and the interactions and linkages of these movements with traditional social movements, parties and positioning in relation to representative democracy. This is a theoretical approach based on the concepts involved in the theme and the proposed approach, but also descriptive and analytical around the issues that these contemporary social movements bring to the debate, as the dialogue between economic, political and socio-cultural demands; the relationship with the state and traditional society organizations such as political parties and trade unions, and the relationship with both traditional and contemporary media.Keywords: Communication; Political economy; Social movements; Sport mega events.

Mobilizing the Marginalized

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amit Ahuja
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Indian Society ◽  
Social Equality ◽  
En Bloc ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Democratic System

In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.

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