scholarly journals Korean Intellectuals’ Perspective on Democracy after 4・19 Democratic Movement - Focused on Liberal Democracy and Democratic Socialism

SA-CHONG(sa) ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol null (71) ◽  
pp. 103-133
Author(s):  
이상록
Acorn ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-129
Author(s):  
Sanjay Lal ◽  
Jeff Shawn Jose ◽  
Douglas Allen ◽  
Michael Allen ◽  

In this author-meets-critics dialogue, Sanjay Lal, author of , argues that Gandhian values of nonviolence raise aspirations of liberal democracy to a higher level. Since Gandhian values of nonviolence are closely associated with religious values, liberal democracy should make public commitments to religions on a non-sectarian basis, except for unreasonable religions. Critic Jeff Shawn Jose agrees that Gandhian values can strengthen liberal democracy. However, Jose finds a contradiction in Lal’s proposal that a liberal state should support reasonable religions only. A more consistent Gandhian approach would focus on everyday interactions between citizens and groups rather than state-directed preferences. Critic Douglas Allen also welcomes Lal’s project that brings Gandhian philosophy into relation with liberal democratic theory; however, he argues that universalizing the Absolute Truth of genuine religion is more complicated than Lal acknowledges. D. Allen argues for a Gandhian approach of relative truths, which cannot be evaluated apart from contingency or context, and he offers autobiographical evidence in support of his critical suspicion of genuine religion. Critic Michael Allen argues that Lal’s metaphysical approach to public justification violates a central commitment of political liberalism not to take sides on any metaphysical basis. M. Allen argues that democratic socialism is closer to Gandhi’s approach than is liberalism. Lal responds to critics by arguing that Gandhi’s evaluation of unreasonable religions depends upon an assessment of violence, which is not as problematic as critics charge, either from a Gandhian perspective or a liberal one. Furthermore, by excluding unreasonable or violent religions from state promotion, Lal argues that he is not advocating state suppression. Finally, Lal argues that Gandhian or Kingian metaphysics are worthy of support by liberal, democratic states seeking to educate individuals regarding peaceful unity in diversity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Cornelis Lay

This article aims to show the relevance of the Bandung Asia Africa Conference in 1955 to the current debate on democracy. It argues that the Bandung Asian-African Conference was the second massive but wellcoordinated democratic movement on a global scale. It has paved the way for the production of new political space globally as well as for individual nations -- space that is more democratic in nature, where people can claim and exercise their citizenship rights. Re?ecting on Soekarnos speech at the opening of the Asia Africa Conference, this article argues that there is an urgent need for a deeper involvement of political and social forces of the Global South to put themselves as the front liners in defning and making use of democracy, instead of leaving it to be dictated by Neo-liberal lines of thinking. This is so because Indonesian experience during the last 15 years or so has clearly demonstrated the very limits of liberal democracy. This article further argues the need to build a collaborative e?ort amongst scholars of the Southern Hemisphere to challenge the superiority of liberal ideas and practices of democracy.


2005 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Cole

The author first briefly outlines what he considers to be the defining features of transmodernism and its relationship both to postmodernism and to Marxism. He then suggests that transmodern interpretations of the legacy of the European invasions of the Americas are illuminating, as is Marxism, in providing an understanding of how the imperialism in which contemporary US foreign policy is currently engaged has a specific and long-standing genealogy. However, he argues that the Marxist concept of racialisation is more convincing in explaining the source of violence against the Other than the transmodern positing of ‘basic narcissism’ as the source. Next, he contrasts the transmodern perception of liberal democracy with Marxist analyses of democratic socialism. After this, he challenges transmodernism's conception of Marxism as an imposed and utopian philosophy locked within modernism. He concludes with a consideration of the political and economic choices open to us, and, with respect to these choices, the implications of both transmodernism and Marxism for sustaining resistance to neo-liberal capitalism and US imperialism within teacher education.


Author(s):  
José Alfredo Zavaleta Betancourt

Este ensayo propone una interpretación de las posiciones políticas de Octavio Paz, con el propósito de identificar su legado político. Para tal efecto, pone a discusión la idea de que Octavio Paz era un intelectual de izquierda socialista, a partir de la relectura de sus principales ensayos políticos. En esta lógica, lo conceptúa como poeta con posiciones políticas, que discursivamente defendía un tipo de socialismo democrático desde una posición nacional-revolucionaria.En la búsqueda de las reglas y estrategias discursivas utilizadas por Paz para hablar de la violencia, la izquierda, la democracia y el socialismo, es posible identificar su crítica teórica desde el campo literario, con claras intervenciones en los campos político e intelectual. Octavio Paz deseaba, evidentemente, ilustrar a la izquierda mexicana con la advertencia de lo acontecido en los regímenes socialista-burocráticos. El programa democrático de Paz, a mano para la izquierda de su tiempo y las actuales izquierdas, constituye una recuperación de la democracia liberal, un andamiaje para la sociedad mexicana, un proyecto de modernización no ensayado por el régimen priista y destruido, en su tiempo, por las burocracias socialistas del país.Palabras clave: Crítica, Izquierda, Democracia, Violencia Octavio's LabyrinthSummaryThis essay proposes an interpretation of Octavio Paz's political positions, with the purpose of identifying his political legacy. For this purpose, the idea that Octavio Paz was an intellectual of the socialist left, based on the rereading of his main political essays, is put into discussion. In this logic, he is conceptualized as a poet with political positions, who discursively defended a type of democratic socialism from a national-revolutionary position.In the search for the discursive rules and strategies used by Paz to talk about violence, the left, democracy and socialism, it is possible to identify his theoretical criticism from the literary field, with clear interventions in the political and intellectual fields. Octavio Paz, wanted, evidently, to enlighten the Mexican left with the warning of what happened in the socialist-bureaucratic regimes. Paz's democratic program, at hand for the left of his time and the current left, constitutes a recovery of liberal democracy, a scaffolding for Mexican society, a modernization project not tested by the PRI regime and destroyed, in its time, by the socialist bureaucracies of the country.Keywords: Criticism, Left, Democracy, Violence Le labyrinthe d’OctavioRésuméeCet essai propose une interprétation des positions politiques d’Octavio Paz, afin d’identifier son héritage politique. Pour ce faire, on met en discussion l’idée qu’Octavio Paz était un intellectuel de gauche socialiste, à partir de la relecture se ses principaux essais politiques. Dans cette logique, on se fait une conception de lui comme un poète d’idées et postures politiques qui défendait discursivement un type de socialisme démocratique à partir d’une position nationale-révolutionnaire.Dans la recherche des règles et stratégies discursives utilisées par Paz pour parler de la violence, la gauche, la démocratie et le socialisme, il est possible d’identifier sa critique théorique à partir du champ littéraire, avec des claires interventions dans les champs politiques et intellectuels. Octavio Paz désirait évidement, illustrer la gauche mexicaine avec l’avertissement ce qui est arrivé dans les régimes socio-bureaucratiques. Le programme démocratique de Paz, de la main de la gauche de son époque et des gauches actuelles, constitue une récupération de la démocratie libérale, une structure pour la société mexicaine, un projet de modernisation pas essayé par le régime du PRI, et détruit dans son époque par les bureaucraties socialistes du pays.Mots clés : Critique, Gauche, Démocratie, Violence 


This book critically reflects on the failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. The book argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world. Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq War and denying their connection to contemporary events could mean that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.


Asian Survey ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 30 (12) ◽  
pp. 1186-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tianjian Shi
Keyword(s):  

Asian Survey ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 28 (9) ◽  
pp. 970-985 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Kwong
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Kamal Dib

Lebanon, a multi-confessional state, is undergoing a deep socioeconomic change that could trigger a review of its constitutional arrangement. The tiny republic on the Mediterranean was born in 1920 as a liberal democracy with a market economy, where the Christians had the upper hand in politics and the economy. In 1975, Lebanon witnessed a major war that lasted for fifteen years, and a new political system emerged in 1989, dubbed the Ta’ef Accord. The new constitutional arrangement, also known as the “second republic,” transferred major powers to the Muslims. Under the new republic, illiberal policies were adopted in reconstruction, public finance, and monetary policy, coupled with unprecedented corruption at the highest levels. On 17 October 2019, the country exploded in a social revolution which could precipitate the death of the second republic or the demise of the country as another victim of predator neoliberalism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document