Predator Neoliberalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Kamal Dib

Lebanon, a multi-confessional state, is undergoing a deep socioeconomic change that could trigger a review of its constitutional arrangement. The tiny republic on the Mediterranean was born in 1920 as a liberal democracy with a market economy, where the Christians had the upper hand in politics and the economy. In 1975, Lebanon witnessed a major war that lasted for fifteen years, and a new political system emerged in 1989, dubbed the Ta’ef Accord. The new constitutional arrangement, also known as the “second republic,” transferred major powers to the Muslims. Under the new republic, illiberal policies were adopted in reconstruction, public finance, and monetary policy, coupled with unprecedented corruption at the highest levels. On 17 October 2019, the country exploded in a social revolution which could precipitate the death of the second republic or the demise of the country as another victim of predator neoliberalism.

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Łukasz Bojko

The April Constitution ended the process of evolution of the political system of prewar Poland. She broke with the principles of liberal democracy and sanctioned the position of the office of the president of Poland as the authoritarian sovereign legally. The sanation Constitution was a Polish reply to the intellectual climate of the thirties. Drawing mainly upon archive materials, the author acquaints the reader with the legal and political subject matter of the April Constitution and with legal argumentation for the reconstruction of the political system of the Second Republic of Poland.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pettman

Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.


1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (301) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Bartosz Rydliński

The article presents the main ideological and theoretic assumptions of non-representative democracy, having historically strongly left-wing character, not an easy practice of applying this form of democracy in Polish and European conditions. The author tries to indicate a certain dialectic dualism of direct democracy, which more and more often constitutes contemporary crisis of liberal democracy in the contemporary debate on the negative impact of neoliberal globalization on democratic political system.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 514
Author(s):  
Mutiara Hikmah

AbstrakThis article giving elaboration regarding Bank Indonesia role as centralbank that hold significant's role and position in Indonesian economicprogress, so Bank Indonesia ought to take position in the change of economicsystem from command economy to market economy. Considering thatcircumstance the role of Bank Indonesia under Article 23D of Constitution ofRepublic Indonesia has been endorsed to promulgating Peraturan BankIndonesia (Bank Indonesia Regulation) which is has same level withPresidential regulation. That regulation considers to the Bank Indonesiaroles to accomplishing through implementation of Law Number 23 year 1999regarding Bank Indonesia. Under the Law central bank have responsibilityto assure and conserve toward rupiah stability. monetary policy. continuityof payment system and banking supervision


Author(s):  
Pedro Francés

RESUMENEste trabajo tiene como objetivo responder a las críticas al liberalismo formuladas en un reciente trabajo de Carlos Kohn. Para mostrar esto expondré, en primer lugar, por qué pienso que Kohn generaliza ilegítimamente una concepción bastante estrecha de liberalismo, relacionada con la economía. En segundo lugar señalaré los límites de esa concepción, y cómo puede definirse otra más comprehensiva, en la que enmarcaré la mayor parte del liberalismo político contemporáneo y, un tanto audazmente, el contractualismo clásico de Hobbes. En tercer lugar, trateré de mostrar que, esta versión comprehensiva es una razonable descripción de la política, que no depende lógicamente de suposiciones dudosas sobre los presupuestos y requisitos de la economía de mercado y que, por ello, escapa indemne a la crítica de KohnPALABRAS CLAVELIBERALISMO-LIBERALISMO POLÍTICO-DEMOCRACIA LIBERAL-CAPITALISMOABSTRACTThe paper aims to revise the critiques to liberalism recently formulated by Carlos Kohn. i will explain, firstly, why I think Kohn wrongly generalizes a quite thin conception of liberalism, related to the economy. Secondly, I will suggest the limitations of that conception. Instead, another, more comprehensive notion can be formulated that can encompass both contemporary political liberalism and, even audaciously, Hobbes' cassical contractualism. Thirdly, I will argue that this comprehensive notion is a reasonable description of politics. it does not depend on doubtfull assumptions over the principles of market economy. hence, it escapes Kohn's critique.KEYWORDSLIBERALISM- POLITICAL LIBERALISM-LIBERAL DEMOCRACY-CAPITALISM


2006 ◽  
pp. 131-149
Author(s):  
Milan Balazic

Since the fall of the Berlin wall, the process of globalization has been understood as a necessary fate. The myth of the almightiness of the market economy, liberalization and deregulation is revitalized. Before us, there is a phenomenon Lacan?s discourse of University, which in 20 century was firstly given as a Stalinist discourse and today is given as a neo-liberal discourse of globalization. From underneath og a seeming objectivity, a Master insists-either the Party and the Capital. Just as the utopia of the world proletarian revolution has fallen apart, the utopia of globalize capitalism and liberal democracy is also falling apart. The 9/11 event is opening opportunities for a construction of the field of social and political, out of the contour of the status quo. The coordinates of the possibility has changed and if we take the non-existence of the grand Autre on ourselves, then the contingence interference in the existent socio-symbolic order is possible.


2017 ◽  
pp. 123-135
Author(s):  
Martin Dahl

The German experience with democracy and the market economy can be particularly valuable for other European countries for at least two reasons. Firstly, after World War II, the Germans effectively and permanently managed to enter the democratic political system based on the market economy. Initially, the economy was implemented only in the western part of the country and since 1990 all over the country. Secondly, after the collapse of the former Soviet bloc, Central European countries greatly benefited from German political solutions. This means that in favourable conditions, these experiences can be a valuable source of inspiration for other countries, especially those in Eastern Europe.This study is a result of research conducted in 2016 as part of the project ‘Germany and Russia in a multipolar international order. Strategic vision and potential alliances’ with the support of the Foundation for Polish-German Cooperation. It consists of four parts. Part I is an introduction to the issues analysed. Part II shows the genesis and characteristics of the democratic political system of Germany. Part III contains an analysis of the German experience with the implementation of the market economy. In Part IV, the author presents his conclusions of how and to what extent Eastern European countries can use the German experience in reforming their political systems and what conditions they would have to meet.


Author(s):  
A. Martínez-Medina ◽  
J. A. Marco Molina ◽  
P. J. Juan-Gutiérrez

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> During the Spanish Civil War (1936&amp;ndash;39) the Second Republic ordered to build, from the end of 1937, a series of military structures to protect the cities located on the Mediterranean coast from a hypothetical landing or air incursions of the national side. This set of defenses was organized in two lines: coastal and antiaircraft detachments on top of hills and bunkers on the coast. In this work we proceed to the drawing of the bunker CG-bk04.elc, located in Clot de Galvany (Elche), 8&amp;thinsp;km south of Alicante, next to Carabassí beach, whose shape and dimensions are relevant enough, and its state of repair is quite good. This bunker is part of a larger group with a total of ten bunkers (of which eight still stand) that tried to prevent the advance of the enemy. The exterior drawing has been done by photogrammetry and the interior one manually, due to the small dimensions of its spaces. This work is included in a larger plan to document all these defences that are part of our technical and material legacy, as real ruins of the first modern concrete architecture, since the original designs of these bunkers were lost at the end of the conflict and nothing remains in the Army archives about them.</p>


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