Autorytarne formy władzy a realizacja prawa do cywilnoprawnej ochrony prawnoprocesowej przez obywateli w okresie PRL

The study describes the functions of civil procedure as a legal instrument from the times of the socialist authoritarian state of the People’s Republic of Poland. The positions expressed in the doctrine regarding the purpose and principles of conducting civil proceedings, regulated in the Act of 16 November 1964, Code of Civil Procedure, which was adopted during the authoritarian power of the dominant political party of the Polish United Workers’ Party, were presented. Provisions of procedural law, dating back to the authoritarian rule of democratic socialism in the People’s Republic of Poland, were intended to provide protection for the socialized economy and to enable the state to control civil-law relations. Civil proceedings were intended to guarantee the possibility of protecting not only the rights of the individual, but also, or rather first and foremost, of the units of the socialized economy, as well as of the disputes that might arise in connection with relations between the state and its citizens, and between citizens. This principle required the authorities conducting civil proceedings to ensure adequate legal and procedural protection in the event that a party or participant in the proceedings was a unit of the socialized economy. Civil proceedings in which the court, within its powers, could interfere with the legal sphere of an individual in connection with the conferral of discretionary power, was another legal tool and instrument allowing the state to influence private-law relations. In addition, the authoritarianism of the state power at that time was also manifested in this.

Associative Democracy: From ‘the real third way’ back to utopianism or towards a colourful socialism for the 21st century?

Associative Democracy (AD) has been developed as a specific response to statist socialism and neoliberal capitalism, drawing on older traditions such as associationalism, democratic socialism, and cooperative socialism. As the ‘real third way’, it is distinct from neoliberal privatization and deregulation in the Blair–Schröder varieties of social democracy and in the conservative Reagan–Thatcher–Cameron varieties. This article summarizes what seemed to make AD an attractive realist utopia: its combination of economic, societal and political democracy; its focus on democratic institutional pluralism in all these regards; its considered moral/political minimalism; and its practical experimentalism. It recapitalizes some of the important economic, societal and political changes during the last decennia that seem to make AD plainly utopian again. It focuses on an outline of basic principles and institutions of socio-economic alternatives to capitalism because, if neoliberalism rules supreme, no viable alternatives can emerge and grow. Even if there is not one institutional design that fits all countries and contexts, we can show what the basic tenets of such alternatives are and how such a colourful democratic socialism relates to and can integrate other approaches such as ‘circular economy’, ‘foundational economy’ and ‘radical social innovation’. The hope is that AD’s broad institutional pluralism and its emphasis on practical experimentalism show new ways of thinking which are urgently needed for sustainable and socially fair economic development and for renewing representative democracy.

Pop-socialism: A new radical left politics? Evaluating the rise and fall of the British and Italian left in the anti-austerity age

This article draws from primary research – including 46 semi-structured interviews – to provide a comparative analysis of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the British Labour Party between 2015 and 2020, and Nichi Vendola’s leadership of the Italian radical left between 2010 and 2015. It is claimed that both cases represent a new form of left politics – which we term pop-socialism – that combines popular-democratic appeals to the ‘people’ with the traditional class-based demands of democratic socialism. This contributes to recent literature on radical left politics and left populism by providing an insight into the underexplored relationship between popular-democratic and class politics. Moreover, the article provides an important empirical account of Corbyn and Vendola’s rapid mobilisation but also their equally abrupt decline.

Gorbachev’s Peaceful Revolution from Above

Gorbachev did not anticipate how far he would have to go to lead the communist party and his country out of the “era of stagnation” he inherited from Brezhnev. But as he started to implement policies, the obstacles became clearer and he responded with radicalization. This led to democratization of political authority relationships through increasingly free elections. Ultimately, the system collapsed as social polarization intensified and Boris Yeltsin outflanked Gorbachev to discredit the latter’s effort to create a “democratic socialism.”

Strategi Pemenangan Jokowi dan Ma’ruf Amin dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2019 melalui Pencitraan Politik

This study aims to see the winning strategy of the candidate pairs for Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential election, especially in terms of political imagery. Using Newman and Shet's theory by looking at reinforcement strategies, rationalization strategies, inducement strategies, and confrontation strategies. The method used is descriptive qualitative research methods through in-depth interviews and literature review. Primary data was obtained through interviews with resource persons, namely the success team and volunteer team for the Indonesia Maju coalition, secondary data consisting of books and related documents. The results showed that the candidate pairs Jokowi and Ma'ruf Amin tried to carry out various strategic tactics in order to present themselves as candidates who had a populist image, were liked, were honest and had a dominant ideology of democratic-socialism.