scholarly journals LILLIAN HELLMAN AND THE SOVIET THEATER

Author(s):  
Olga I. Shcherbinina ◽  

The article examines the contacts of the American playwright Lillian Hellman with the Soviet theatrical world. It focuses on Soviet productions of her plays, recollections of actors involved in those productions, critics’ reviews of the premieres. Hellman’s more than 20-year career in the USSR helps to trace back the changes of Soviet cultural and ideological agenda. Acting as a cultural emissary during the Second World War, Hellman visited Moscow where she was greeted as a dear guest, and her plays were staged by two lar­gest Moscow theaters. With the beginning of the Cold War, her dramas The Little Foxes and Watch on the Rhine disappeared from the repertoire. Surprisingly, Hellman’s play with a conspicuously Western title Ladies and Gentlemen circumvented theatrical censorship amid an anti-American propaganda campaign, although the production received negative reviews from magazine critics. In the 1960s Hellman returns to Moscow again, where she meets Raisa Orlova and Lev Kopelev. Cultural and political landscape of that period was deeply influenced by struggles of the dissident movement, which Hellman deeply sympathized with. She considered Kopelev and Orlova to be people of remarkable courage and integrity since they refused to leave their native Russia despite the risk of being imprisoned and persecuted. That is why the case of Anatoly Kuznetsov who fled to the UK from the USSR infuriated Hellman who publicly disapproved his decision to flee. Hellman wrote and spoke about dissidents back at home in the United States, and she continued to correspond with Orlova almost until her death in 1984. Thus, Hellman’s creative biography represents the trajectory of defecting from the ranks of Soviet sympathizers: starting her career as a pro-Stalinist, she subsequently refused to support Soviet socialism.

Arthur Szyk ◽  
2004 ◽  
pp. 217-232
Author(s):  
Joseph P. Ansell

This chapter encompasses Arthur Szyk's final years. It shows his continued dedication to freedom struggles around the world even as it contemplates on the dwindling number of exhibitions he held during this period. During this time, the United States was also turning inward after the Second World War. This attitude was one which Szyk did not share and which his work, with its liberal and international themes, did not support. Moreover, the chapter reveals his growing sympathy towards the Soviet Union, which was so evident in the political cartoons and related works from the years of alliance during the Second World War. It also shows that, by the early years of the Cold War, his health was somewhat precarious, forcing him to choose his activities carefully.


1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Bethell ◽  
Ian Roxborough

The importance of the years of political and social upheaval immediately following the end of the Second World War and coinciding with the beginnings of the Cold War, that is to say, the period from 1944 or 1945 to 1948 or 1949, for the history of Europe (East and West), the Near and Middle East, Asia (Japan, China, South and East Asia), even Africa (certainly South Africa) in the second half of the twentieth century has long been generally recognised. In recent years historians of the United States, which had not, of course, been a theatre of war and which alone among the major belligerents emerged from the Second World War stronger and more prosperous, have begun to focus attention on the political, social and ideological conflict there in the postwar period – and the long term significance for the United States of the basis on which it was resolved. In contrast, except for Argentina, where Perón's rise to power has always attracted the interest of historians, the immediate postwar years in Latin America, which had been relatively untouched by, and had played a relatively minor role in, the Second World War, remain to a large extent neglected. It is our view that these years constituted a critical conjuncture in the political and social history of Latin America just as they did for much of the rest of the world. In a forthcoming collection of case studies, which we are currently editing, the main features of the immediate postwar period in Latin America, and especially the role played by labour and the Left, will be explored in some detail, country by country.1In this article, somewhat speculative and intentionally polemical, we present the broad outlines of our thesis.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-566
Author(s):  
Eileen M. Angelini ◽  
Albert Braz ◽  
Kevin J. Christiano ◽  
Patrick Coleman ◽  
Clifford Egan ◽  
...  

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tor Egil Førland

The subject of this article is the foreign policy views of singer and songwriter Bob Dylan: a personality whose footprints during the 1960s were so impressive that a whole generation followed his lead. Today, after thirty years of recording, the number of devoted Dylan disciples is reduced but he is still very much present on the rock scene. His political influence having been considerable, his policy views deserve scrutiny. My thesis is that Dylan'sforeign policyviews are best characterized as “isolationist.’ More specifically: Dylan's foreign policy message is what so-called progressive isolationists from the Midwest would have advocated, had they been transferred into the United States of the 1960s or later. I shall argue that Bob Dylan is just that kind of personified anachronism, seeing the contemporary world through a set of cognitive lenses made in the Midwest before the Second World War – to a large extent even before the First (or, indeed, before the American Civil War).


2021 ◽  
pp. 24-40
Author(s):  
Lawrence Freedman

A concept of “grand strategy” only emerged during the first decades of the twentieth century. Through the nineteenth century, strategy had a very narrow meaning, largely concerned with getting troops into the best position for battle. Tactics was concerned with the conduct of battle. For a number of reasons, including the importance of peacetime preparation for war, the separation between military strategy and the wider political and economic context came to be recognized as untenable. The contemporary strategy of grand strategy was developed in the UK first by the naval theorist Corbett and then by Fuller and Liddell Hart after the First World War. It referred to the nonmilitary aspects of prosecuting a war. After the Second World War, grand strategy tended to be used to refer to the higher conduct of war where the political, social, and economic came together with the military. Most use was made by historians who found it helpful as a way of discussing past politico-military conduct, even going back to the Romans. It came back into prescriptive use as the Cold War drew to a close. This encouraged the contemporary concept, which refers to the bringing together of all elements of a state power in pursuit of long-term objectives, which has been criticized for being too ambitious.


Author(s):  
Eugene Ford

This chapter talks about how the Buddhism of mainland Southeast Asia, the Theravada form of that religion, which is predominant everywhere in the region but Vietnam, interacted in significant ways with Japan's strategy in the Second World War. Most Japanese themselves were nominally Buddhists, though of the Mahayana school (like most Vietnamese). They appealed to sentiments of religious fraternity as part of their crusade to “liberate” the region from European colonialism and replace it with their own colonial system: a Greater East Asian “co-prosperity sphere” dedicated primarily to benefiting Japan. The chapter shows how Thailand had quickly yielded to the superior strength of the Japanese forces and entered into a strategic alliance.


Author(s):  
Alice Weinreb

This chapter analyzes occupied Germany between 1945 and 1949, the years that saw the transition from the Second World War to the Cold War. During this time, the country was divided into four zones, each occupied by an Allied power (the United States, the USSR, France, and Great Britain.) This chapter argues that these years, known in Germany as the Hunger Years, played a key role in shaping modern discourses of human rights through assertions of the right of all individuals to food. Specifically, in the wake of the Third Reich, the hunger of German civilians acquired a moral weight that effectively depoliticized the category of “rights.” Analyzing civilian and medical debates about the causes and consequences of German hunger, the chapter explores the ways in which the different Allied rationing programs interpreted responsibility for Nazi crimes, and the ways in which Germans reacted to, challenged, and appropriated these categories.


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