scholarly journals Analyzing the Electoral Reform of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong: The Integration of Elite Democracy and Mass Democracy

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen Chen ◽  
Dinghuai Zhang
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Simon N.M. Young

The Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (NSL) was passed on June 30, 2020 by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC). It did not have immediate direct effect in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). After consulting the Committee for the Basic Law of the HKSAR (BLC) and the Government of the HKSAR (HKSARG), the NPCSC added the NSL to Annex III of The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China (Basic Law) before the Chief Executive of the HKSAR (Chief Executive) promulgated the NSL for local application. All this happened on June 30, enabling the NSL to enter into force at 11 p.m., just ahead of the twenty-third anniversary of the establishment of the HKSAR on July 1, 2020.


Headline HONG KONG: Democracy retreats with electoral reform


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Zhongdang Pan ◽  
Lu Wei ◽  
Guobin Yang

This is Part I of a special issue on digital formations in China. The five articles in this part study, respectively, the digital working class, social media propaganda, “grassroots” Internet finance, online swearing, and online political communication in a Hong Kong Chief Executive election.


Author(s):  
Stan Hok-Wui Wong

From the start, the Umbrella Movement failed to win overwhelming public support. Why would many Hong Kong people not endorse a civil disobedience movement aimed at dismantling the exclusionary political order and bringing forth democracy? Based on an original public opinion survey collected during the movement, this article provides preliminary answers to these questions. I find that those who disapproved of the movement are no less politically informed. Instead, three factors were strong predictors of disapproval of the movement: (1) satisfaction with the performance of the chief executive; (2) distrust of democracy as a solution to Hong Kong’s problems; and (3) concern about the negative impact of the protest on the rule of law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 110-124
Author(s):  
Tai Wei LIM

Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam presented her housing policies at the 2019 annual address in broad strokes, including using ordinances to resume undeveloped land in accordance with the law. The Hong Kong government could use its regulatory power as disincentives for private development of land given the highly bureaucratic, time-consuming and expensive land development approval process. The Hong Kong government would also work jointly with private sector landlords to potentially develop public housing and profit-driven projects, which would then be negotiated based on the Hong Kong government’s terms and conditions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 817-829
Author(s):  
Beulah Pereira ◽  
Kevin Teah ◽  
Billy Sung ◽  
Min Teah

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to conduct an in-depth interview with the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Larry Jewelry, a luxury jeweller with boutiques in Hong Kong and Singapore. Given the ever-evolving luxury jewellery market in South East Asia, it is paramount to understand the success factors of the luxury jewellery sector. Design/methodology/approach An in-depth interview approach is used to understand the antecedents of the success of the luxury jewellery sector. Specifically, this paper presents a complex business model of Larry Jewelry and an in-depth interview with the CEO of Larry Jewelry for current insights in the sector. Findings This paper highlights the history of Larry Jewelry, its product segments and the key elements of its business blueprint. Specifically, the success of Larry Jewelry is attributed to its business model and strong branding on quality, craftsmanship, rarity, human interaction and trust. Originality/value Despite the substantial growth in the luxury jewellery sector, there is relatively little research on the success factors of this industry, especially in South East Asia. The current research provides practical insights into business blueprint of a successful luxury jeweller in Hong Kong and Singapore.


Significance The proposed law has sparked what is probably the most serious political controversy since Carrie Lam took office as Hong Kong’s chief executive in 2017. Lam denies that the initiative is being imposed by Beijing. Impacts A large turnout at a demonstration on July 1 would prove that the public has not given up on protest. Foreign governments will pay more attention to Hong Kong’s governance, but public criticism would risk Beijing’s ire. The controversy will slow down China-Hong Kong integration more broadly, except in narrowly economic affairs.


2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stan Hok-Wui Wong

Business interests are overrepresented in Hong Kong's nominally democratic political institutions. Many in Hong Kong perceive this as evidence of the existence of “collusion between government and business,” a phenomenon that has stirred public concerns in the city since its sovereignty transfer. Although anecdotal accounts abound, no systematic analysis has been conducted to evaluate the validity of this perception. In this article I use a rich firm-level dataset to offer the first systematic assessment of the effects of political connections on firm performance in Hong Kong. I define politically connected firms as firms that have stakeholders concurrently holding a seat on the Election Committee, a constitutional body that elects the city's chief executive. I found evidence, though not overwhelming, consistent with the “collusion” hypothesis: political connections do improve firm performance measured by return on equity and market-to-book ratio. The improvement is unlikely due to unobserved confounding factors such as firms' inherent ability. As for the origin of the political connections, the data show that a firm's economic power has little predictive value of its connections to the Election Committee. Rather, number of employees matters; firms that hire fewer workers were more likely to gain a seat on the 1997 Election Committee. This result may suggest that Beijing plays a more dominant role in the formation of political connections—that serve Beijing's co-optation needs rather than the interests of powerful firms that may have a desire to “capture” the state.


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