scholarly journals The Politics of Explanatory Nationalism and the Evolution of the United Nations Agenda on Multinational Enterprises

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 176-201
Author(s):  
Teppo Eskelinen ◽  
◽  
Matti Ylönen ◽  

Social problems in the global South are often explained by reference to domestic decisions or “institutional quality” in the Southern countries, while there are also prominent criticisms of such “nationalist explanations”. Crucially, the dispute over correct mode of explanation is not only epistemological, but also political, as has been often noted in analyses of hegemony. This paper develops such ideas about “hegemonic” forms of explanation by analysing how an explanatory tendency becomes institutionalised in the operating logic of international organisations. We analyse as a case study the long-term developments within the UN in the field of multinational enterprises (MNEs). We follow the process in which an agenda focused on the regulation of MNEs shifted into the direction of focusing on local institutional quality and emphasising “partnerships” instead of regulation. The analysis demonstrates how political momentum and external challenges affect explanatory tendencies, and generally the deep impact of organisational embeddedness of these tendencies.

2007 ◽  
Vol 46 (4II) ◽  
pp. 623-641
Author(s):  
Raza Ali Khan

The last few decades have witnessed a significant shift in the concept of development. Research focusing on development has shifted its focus from macroeconomic to more microeconomic development. More recently, poverty has become an important interest area for researchers, governments, United Nations agencies, NGOs and some specialised international development agencies. The United Nations has designated the period 1997-2006 as the decade for poverty eradication [World Summit for Social Development (1995)]. The millennium meeting at the United Nations headquarters and its follow-up meeting at Brussels set up on ambitious target for reducing poverty by half by the year 2015. [Altaf (2004)]. Since the overall objective is “human development,” people are presumed to play a major role in assuming the initiative, management of, and control over resources, as well as the setting of priorities for poverty reduction. The translation of this idea into reality necessitates the investigation of people’s understanding and experiences of poverty and adjustment to, or coping with, chaotic socio-economic situations and catastrophes (both human and natural), be they food insecurity, hunger, famine outbreaks, or poverty. Some of these crises, in many cases, are not occasional occurrences; rather they are the consequences of long term processes, especially poverty, which is caused by a combination of interacting factors related to social, economic, political, and natural dimensions [Abdel (1996)].


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-764
Author(s):  
Michael Joel Voss

Historically, critics of the United Nations Human Rights Council commonly focus on the perceived negative role that states from the Global South play in Council proceedings. These ‘Western-centric’ assessments fail to consider the Global South’s role in advancing their own human rights preferences. This article describes the Global South’s norm advocacy at the Council from 2006 through 2017 using thematic resolutions, an understudied but preferred tool of the Global South at the Council. This article divides thematic resolutions into three possible motivations for Global South advocacy – in response to domestic issues, international issues, and cultural differences between regions, and includes an exemplary case study from each category. The article shows the Global South is very active in human rights promotion but chooses to focus on human rights that differ from the Global North.


China Report ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Vikash Chandra

This article illustrates China’s counter-terrorism strategy at the United Nations (UN), analyses its cornerstones and underscores changing patterns. On this basis, it also seeks to make some broader observations about how rising powers behave in international organisations and to highlight their attitudes towards the liberal international order. It considers Chinese positions in the debates in the General Assembly (1972–2018), its Sixth Committee and the Security Council (since the early 1990s) and identifies four pillars of China’s counter-terrorism strategy. These include norm entrepreneurship, diplomatic measures, promotion of international cooperation and domestic measures to fulfil obligations emanating from UN resolutions, conventions and declarations. It shows how China has shaped the discourse on terrorism at the UN and how its counter-terror narratives and advocacy have been and are being shaped by the discourse among states and competing blocs like the Organization of Islamic Conference over this period. It concludes with the observation that, despite changes in its strategy in recent years, the defining principles of China’s counter-terrorism strategy, such as respect for state sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, have not eroded. Changes like accepting that the UN must play a ‘central coordination role’ in international counter-terrorism should be regarded as a further extension of China’s zeal to maintain the international order because the UN is a defining pillar of the present international order.


2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-773 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daryl A. Mundis

Since the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, both International Tribunals have grown tremendously in terms of resources. Despite this growth, the International Tribunals have rendered judgments in only fifteen cases and conducted inordinately long trials—a fault for which, perhaps more than any other, they can be justly criticized. The Secretary- General of the United Nations recently appointed an expert group to review the efficiency of the operation of the International Tribunals and make recommendations for improvement. Following the release of the group's report, the General Assembly requested that the Secretary-General obtain comments from the International Tribunals on the experts’ recommendations. The ICTYjudges, for their part, considered these recommendations in a report to the United Nations setting forth a long-term strategy for improving the operation of the Tribunal.


Author(s):  
Alice C. Shaffer

Central America has been one of the pioneer areas for the United Nations Children's Fund assisted pro grams. When the United Nations Children's Fund, under a broadened mandate from the United Nations, shifted the emphasis of its aid from emergency to long term and from war-torn countries to those economically less developed, Cen tral American governments immediately requested its assist ance to strengthen and extend services to children and mothers. As one of the first areas in the world to aim at the eradication of malaria and to have engaged in an inten sive campaign against malnutrition on a regional basis, the Central American experiences in these fields have become known, watched, and studied by people from many countries. Against this background, international and bilateral organi zations are working together with governments as they broaden the scope and the extent of their programs. Ten years of co-operative action have highlighted the need for train ing of personnel, both professional and auxiliary. This period has also made clear the value of more integrated programs with wider collaboration both within the ministries of government and between the international organizations.


1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. L. Friedheim ◽  
J. B. Kadane

International arrangements for the uses of the ocean have been the subject of long debate within the United Nations since a speech made by Ambassador Arvid Pardo of Malta before the General Assembly in 1967. Issues in question include the method of delimiting the outer edge of the legal continental shelf; the spectrum of ocean arms control possibilities; proposals to create a declaration of principles governing the exploration for, and the exploitation of, seabed mineral resources with the promise that exploitation take place only if it “benefits mankind as a whole,” especially the developing states; and consideration of schemes to create international machinery to regulate, license, or own the resources of the seabed and subsoil. The discussions and debates began in the First (Political and Security) Committee of the 22nd General Assembly and proceeded through an ad hoc committee to the 23rd and 24th assembly plenary sessions. The creation of a permanent committee on the seabed as a part of the General Assembly's machinery attests to the importance members of the United Nations attribute to ocean problems. Having established the committee, they will be faced soon with the necessity of reaching decisions. The 24th General Assembly, for example, passed a resolution requesting the Secretary-General to ascertain members' attitudes on the convening of a new international conference to deal with a wide range of law of the sea problems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Chris Whomersley

Abstract The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) contains detailed provisions concerning its amendment, but these have never been used and this article explores why this is so. States have instead maintained the Convention as a “living instrument” by adopting updated rules in other organisations, especially the International Maritime Organisation and the International Labour Organisation. States have also used the consensus procedure at Meetings of the States Parties to modify procedural provisions in UNCLOS, and have adopted two Implementation Agreements relating to UNCLOS. In addition, port State jurisdiction has developed considerably since the adoption of UNCLOS, and of course other international organisations have been active in related fields.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabela Battistello Espindola ◽  
Maria Luisa Telarolli de Almeida Leite ◽  
Luis Paulo Batista da Silva

The global framework set forth by the United Nations 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) include water resources in their scope, which emphasizes how water assets and society well-being are closely intertwined and how crucial they are to achieving sustainable development. This paper explores the role of hydropolitics in that Post-2015 Development Agenda and uses Brazilian hydropolitics set to reach SDG6 as a case study.


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