scholarly journals Gender Knowledge, and Opposition to the Feminist Project: Extreme-Right Populist Parties in the Netherlands

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mieke Verloo
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Theoretical Concept ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Institutional Settings ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
Normative Significance ◽  
Epistemic Dimension ◽  
Gender Knowledge

This article aims to better understand current opposition to feminist politics by analyzing positions of extreme-right populist parties on gender knowledge, “explicit and implicit representations concerning the differences between the sexes and the relations between them, the origins and normative significance of these, the rationale and evidence underpinning them and their material form” (Cavaghan, 2017, p. 48). These understandings contribute to constructing a societal truth on gender and/or to setting the terms of the political debate about gender issues. This article introduces and uses the theoretical concept of episteme to highlight the systematic nature of discursive institutional settings, and the role knowledge and truth production plays in processes reproducing or countering gender inequality. The article analyzes the positions of extreme-right populist parties in the Netherlands and their discursive attacks on the feminist project in the Netherlands, in which these opponents use a redefined concept of ‘cultural Marxism’. Through this analysis, the article illustrates the theoretical argument that epistemic dynamics play a strong role in opposition to feminist politics, that the shifting epistemic framing of science is important in these oppositions and that more comprehensive attention for the epistemic dimension is needed.

Culture Conflict and its Consequences for the Legitimation Crisis

Res Publica ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-253
Author(s):  
Mark Elchardus ◽  
Anton Derks
Keyword(s):  
New Left ◽  
New Right ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Value Conflict ◽  
Culture Conflict ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Legitimation Crisis ◽  
Exit Option ◽  
The Difference

Our analysis indicates that it is correct to interpret non-participation and a vote for the Extreme Right as at least partly due to a legitimation crisis which seems to be the expression of a new alignment of values. This alignment describes a deep cultural cleavage that divides the higher from the less educated. People who hold pronounced positions on this alignment are more likely than others to turn away from the established, "traditional" parties. People with the values and attitudes typical of the "progressive" or "new left'' side of the cleavage, vote disproportionately for the Greens. People with the values and attitudes typical of the "conservative" or "new right" side of the cleavage, opt disproportionately for non-participation and for the Extreme Right.  In the recent political debate in Flanders, both non-participation and the Extreme Right have been regarded as symptoms of a legitimation crisis, and ofpolitical protest. The difference between the two expressions of cultural opposition or political protest can be understood as a choice for either an "exit" or a "voice" option. People select the "exit" option when they feel especially politically powerless. The "voice"-option is chosen by people for which the value conflict over the position of"migrants" is the most salient issue.The long term causes of the symptoms of a legitimation crisis seem to be the growing economic and cultural gap between the higher and less educated, and the ensuing growth of a conflict in which cultural and social-economic differences are strongly linked.

Die Sprache der Populisten

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Schaefer
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Theoretical Concept ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
German Bundestag ◽  
Broad Understanding

Language constitutes the arena of political debate and is therefore itself the object of political struggle. But what language do populists speak? Existing research on this subject attests to its importance without being able to substantiate this empirically. This study examines the election programmes of the parties and the first ‘general debate’ in the 19th German Bundestag in order to understand what is really specific to populists’ use of language. Starting from a broad understanding of language, the author develops the theoretical concept of party language and applies a modified variant of linguistic multilevel discourse analysis. In the end, he identifies six characteristics of the language of populists.

Legal Euthanasia in Pastoral Practice: Experiences of Pastors in the Protestant Church in the Netherlands

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-67
Author(s):  
Theo A. Boer ◽  
Ronald E. Bolwijn ◽  
Wim Graafland ◽  
T. Theo J. Pleizier
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Protestant Church ◽  
Open Questions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Pastoral Practice ◽  
Considerable Experience

Abstract This representative survey amongst 653 ministers in the Protestant Church in the Netherlands (PKN) maps their experiences and views with regard to euthanasia. We found that three-quarters of the ministers have experience with euthanasia requests from their parishioners. Almost two-thirds of them respect a parishioner’s euthanasia request. Differentiating the answers on the basis of modality, we see differences in attitudes, both regarding euthanasia itself and regarding the pastoral approach. Although ministers have considerable experience with euthanasia, the open questions posed reveal that ministers encounter many difficulties and dilemmas: there is urgent need for discussion and support. The article intends to contribute to the search for a best pastoral practice in dealing with euthanasia requests and explores the need for a renewed role for the PKN in the social and political debate on euthanasia.

The extreme right in the Netherlands.

1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
GERRIT VOERMAN ◽  
PAUL LUCARDIE
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Extreme Right

scholarly journals Opposition to “gender” in academia and beyond

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Korolczuk
Keyword(s):  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Institutional Settings ◽  
New Public ◽  
The Status ◽  
Knowledge Policy ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Gender Knowledge

The rise of ultraconservative, often religious movements and the right-wing electoral victories in many European countries, such as Poland, limit the opportunities for inserting feminist agenda in academia, institutional settings and public debates. In my presentation I will argue that national and transnational campaigns against “gender ideology” should be interpreted a new phase of the struggle around politics of expertise and knowledge-policy nexus, highlighting issues such as the sources of scientific authorization, the status of an expert, and the ways in which the relations between academia, politics, the media and public are shaped. Right-wing populists and religious fundamentalists opposing “gender” seek not only political but also epistemic power. They attempt to build up their own sources of legitimacy, which include forming new institutions, promoting new public intellectuals and producing new body of gender knowledge. How does this increasingly hostile political context re-shape the formation and mobilization of competing gender knowledges, and how women’s movements can succeed in achieving social change?

Political Attitudes on the Dutch Electronic Patient Record

2016 ◽  
pp. 1207-1221
Author(s):  
Evert Mouw
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Electronic Patient Record ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Patient Record ◽  
The Political ◽  
Patient Records ◽  
Electronic Patient Records ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Opt Out ◽  
The Law

In the Netherlands, the introduction of a nationwide electronic patient record (EPR) infrastructure was rejected in 2011 after a heated political debate. Such debate is influenced by the political attitudes of politicians and voters, such as their trust in governments. The objective is to explore the relation between political attitudes of individuals and the priority they give to health privacy. The method is from a new survey that was developed; the Health Privacy and Political Attitudes Survey. The survey is as compatible as possible with a few well-known surveys. With 218 respondents enough data was collected for a first explorative study. Little correlations were found between political attitudes and the individual's priorisation of health privacy or their trust in a nationwide EPR. In general, most respondents valued their health privacy highly and trust in a nationwide EPR was low, irrespective of their political affiliation or their political attitudes. One exception were respondents with authoritarian attitudes. Such individuals had, on average, more trust in (government regulated) electronic records. More trust in the law correlates with less fear for problems with the EPR. Interestingly, higher educated and older respondents have, on average, the same level of trust in the EPR as others but are more apt to act when they distrust the system (opt-out). In general, political attitudes and one's trust in electronic patient records (EPRs) are not strongly related, but individuals who score high on authoritarian attitudes and trust in the law are more likely to also trust EPRs. Still, nearly everybody places a high value on health privacy, so EPR providers should be careful in this regard.

scholarly journals Managing Mosques in the Netherlands

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oskar Verkaaik ◽  
Pooyan Tamimi Arab
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Call To Prayer

This article engages with the emergent ethnographical study of secular practice by focusing on how local bureaucracies manage the Muslim public presence in the Netherlands, particularly the construction of new mosques and the amplifying of the Muslim call to prayer. We argue that what started as the ‘Islam debate’, itself provoked by growing populist articulations of the fear of Islam, has gradually developed into a conflict in the practice of local governance about the meaning of secularism. Whereas the public and political debate about mosque issues is often dominated by what we call a ‘culturalist’ or ‘nativist’ form of secularism, in practice bureaucrats are often led by a ‘constitutional secularism’ that protects the constitutional rights of Dutch Muslims. Thus, in its practical application, constitutional secularism is one way of tackling Islamophobia and protecting the rights of religious minorities in general. Moving beyond the genealogical study and the deconstructivist critique of secularism by such authors as Talal Asad and Wendy Brown, we show that the ethnographic study of actual secular practice remains crucially important to avoiding monolithic text-based understandings of the secular as inherently dominating the religious.

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