scholarly journals Familism and Social Inclusion: Hispanics in New London, Connecticut

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Amparo Cruz-Saco ◽  
Mónika López-Anuarbe

This paper analyzes the financial support and inclusiveness within Hispanic families in New London, Connecticut, and the causes of their social exclusion in the larger society. We designed and administered a survey of 114 items that was answered by 148 participants representing 1.3% of the non-Puerto Rican Hispanic population. Using factor analysis, we reduced a large number of items in two familism scores to four latent factors: "Financial Support for Family", "Obligation to Family", "Plan to Return", and "Filial Responsibility". We found that financial support for family and obligation to family are strongly endorsed by participants. Approximately one-half would return back to their home countries where they believe to be happier. One-fifth rejects this option. Three-quarters of participants remit money to family, parents in particular, who reside in countries of origin. In contrast to other studies, remitting money is not affected by any given personal characteristic such as gender, income or level of education. Similarly, participants remit irrespective of their degree of self-reported familism measured by scores on the latent factors. A large incidence of poverty among this population, lack of English proficiency, low skills, immigration status, and a lack of voice and political representation inhibit their social inclusion.

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Amparo Cruz-Saco ◽  
Mónika López-Anuarbe
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
María Amparo Cruz-Saco ◽  
Mónika López-Anuarbe
Keyword(s):  

Sociology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 571-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silke Roth ◽  
Clare Saunders

Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women’s participation in women’s movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations in the UK and Sweden. Our comparative research demonstrates that involvement in protest and institutional politics varies by gender, country and context. Our findings have important implications for gender equality in terms of social inclusion and political representation and contribute to political sociology, sociology of gender and social movement research.


Author(s):  
Muntasser Majeed Hameed

The objective of the investigation was to analyze the structure and administration of the political system in Iraq (post-ISIS). After 2003, the Iraqi political system suffered the fundamental problem of its failure to achieve the political and social inclusion that characterizes democratic systems, to guarantee the establishment of a "state for all", while respecting differences. Political representation has moved from the system of sectarian ethnic components, under the title of consensual democracy, to the representation of leaders and the realization of their interests and the interests of their parties at the expense of the groups that claim to represent them, which complicates the problem. In this sense, the new political system could not represent social pluralism, on the one hand, and could not satisfy the demands of the same components on the other. Methodologically, it is a political investigation in the framework of the analysis of the political system. It was concluded that the search for new balances is a pending issue. While these emerging balances and arrangements are still fragile and immature to the extent required, they represent a clear entry point to reshape the regime's political structure in one form or another.


Author(s):  
Aristides R. Baraya ◽  
Michael Craig Budden ◽  
Luz M. Escobar

<p class="MsoBodyText" style="margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Hurricane Katrina displaced more than one million people while destroying or badly disrupting more than 40% of Louisiana&rsquo;s economic base. Thousands of small businesses ceased to exist. The socio-economic damage in the U.S. appears without precedent. The growing Hispanic population in southeast Louisiana presents a unique and distinctive socio-economic challenge. As Hispanics move into the region in large numbers seeking economic opportunities, specific needs are emerging. A variety of work and social skills must be developed and nurtured. Business skills and guidance must be offered.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>These needs must be recognized and addressed to facilitate a holistic assimilation of a growing Hispanic population into southeast Louisiana and develop a strong and literate workforce.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>The Hispanic Business Resources &amp; Technology Center (HBRTC) was created by the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce of Louisiana (HCCL) in alliance with The Hispanic Apostolate Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of New Orleans, The Jefferson Parish School System, and Southeastern Louisiana University, to address the post-Katrina crisis in the New Orleans region and to address needs of Hispanic families and businesses.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>The HBRTC is the first of its kind in the State of Louisiana to specifically address the myriad needs of the developing Hispanic workforce and community in Louisiana.</span></span></p>


1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 207-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenda K. Kantor ◽  
Jana L. Jasinski ◽  
Etiony Aldarondo

It is not clear whether traditional cultural ideology influences wife assaults in Hispanic-American families, or if culture is confounded with the stresses of poverty, unemployment, and immigration status. Our 1992 study of 1,970 families, including a national oversample of Hispanic families, examines the incidence of marital violence in the three major Hispanic-American subgroups and in Anglo-American families, and considers how sociocultural status and attitudes towards violence affect wife assaults differentially. The findings show that Hispanic Americans, as a whole, do not differ significantly from Anglo Americans in their odds of wife assaults when norms regarding violence approval, age, and economic stressors are held constant At the same time, considerable heterogeneity was apparent among ethnic subgroups on a number of measures. We also found that being born in the United States increases the risk of wife assaults by Mexican- and Puerto Rican-American husbands. However, the presence of norms sanctioning wife assaults within any group, regardless of socioeconomic status, is a risk factor for wife abuse.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 509-509
Author(s):  
Brooke Jespersen

Abstract This research examines meanings of aging in the “right” place (Golant, 2015) among older adults who have grown up and grown older in migratory contexts. This qualitative research is based on semi-structured and life history interviews with 30 low socio-economic status Puerto Rican adults over the age of 60 who reside in Cuyahoga County, Ohio and have engaged in Puerto Rico-US migration throughout the life course. Inductive thematic analysis of interviews revealed fraught, multi-scalar narratives of aging in the “right” place. At the level of residence type, older adults’ narratives exhibited a tension between interdependence and independence. That is to say, they struggled to reconcile cultural preferences for family-based living arrangements with fears of becoming a burden. At the level of nation, a similar tension manifested. Older adults reported navigating differential citizenship rights, access to healthcare and social services, natural disasters, and experiences of social inclusion and exclusion via migration between Puerto Rico and the US mainland. Thus, aging in the “right” place was complex, if not altogether elusive, as inequitable circumstances obliged older adults to make tradeoffs regardless of where they lived. These findings extend scholarship on aging in the “right” place, which has focused on residence type, by considering how older adults negotiate aging within and across households, communities, and nations. Moreover, these findings highlight how challenging aging in the “right” place can be for migrating and disadvantaged populations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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