scholarly journals Activity of US representative Douglass Jenkins in the Ukrainian National Republic (1917-1919)

Author(s):  
Tetiana Klynina

The article is devoted to the issue of the activities of the American consul of the United States of America in the years of the existence of the Ukrainian National Republic, and also provides a historiographical analysis of works devoted to this problem (in particular, the works of I. Matyash, I. Datskiv, A. Pavlyuk, etc.). The author notes that with the proclamation by the Central Rada of the Third universal, which created the Ukrainian National Republic, the Ukrainian Central Rada was faced with the task of establishing external relations with various countries, including the United States of America. However, before the outbreak of World War I, the concept of “Ukrainian question” and “Ukraine” was “terra incognita” for Washington, which was primarily explained by the isolationist policies of the American government. In its foreign policy, the United States has traditionally been guided by the idea of ​​federalism in questions about the approaches of the state system. The United States did not pursue a separate course towards Ukraine. Washington viewed it as a component of its policy towards Russia. In the US attitude toward the Ukrainian National Republic, the reluctance to complicate the political choice for America was outweighed. There was fear that an inaccurately chosen priority would lead to an unwelcome conflict with Russia. It is stated that as the United States did not carry out a separate course towards Ukraine, so the leaders of the Central Rada did not develop a clear position towards the United States. However, the situation that developed at the end of 1917 made the American diplomatic community “look” at the situation in Ukraine. That is why the American consul Douglas Jenkins was sent to “assess” the capabilities of the young state. Douglas Jenkins had clear instructions from the ambassador to do nothing, in the absence of a further word from Washington that could be interpreted as recognition of the Ukrainian Council. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of his seven reports, which the consul sent to the US State Department through the Consulate General in Moscow, and which is an important source in understanding the Ukrainian situation in late 1917 – early 1918.

2019 ◽  
pp. 11-40
Author(s):  
John P. Enyeart

Chapter 1 examines how Louis Adamic used the paradox of immigrants providing the labor to make the United States the wealthiest nation on earth while receiving mostly misery in return. The xenophobes who dominated US politics after World War I made it clear that Slavs were not quite “white” and thus not quite American. Adamic and his fellow countrymen found themselves in between white and black on the US racial spectrum and trapped in between Slovenian and US cultures. During the 1920s, he grappled with this liminality by employing literary modernism and writing from the perspective of an exiled peasant. In 1933, he added a political dimension to work when writing about slovenstvo (Slovene spirit) at a crucial moment in his homeland’s history.


Author(s):  
Martin Crotty ◽  
Neil J. Diamant ◽  
Mark Edele

This chapter investigates the cases of victory and defeat and explains what politically influential veterans were able to produce to secure benefits and rights. It focuses on China after its long period of war and civil war that ended in 1949, the United Kingdom after both world wars, the United States after World War I, and the USSR after World War II. It analyses the cases wherein veterans had little or limited success in securing meaningful social and political status. The chapter identifies factors that determine the veterans' status, where it is victory or defeat, or authoritarian versus democratic systems of government. It discusses the political process and the attempts to convert claims into entitlements in order to explain the negative outcomes for the veterans of victorious armies.


Author(s):  
Kambiz GhaneaBassiri

The history of Muslims in America dates back to the transatlantic mercantile interactions between Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Upon its arrival, Islam became entrenched in American discourses on race and civilization because literate and noble African Muslims, brought to America as slaves, had problematized popular stereotypes of Muslims and black Africans. Furthermore, these enslaved Muslims had to re-evaluate and reconfigure their beliefs and practices to form new communal relations and to make sense of their lives in America. At the turn of the 20th century, as Muslim immigrants began arriving in the United States from the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and South Asia, they had to establish themselves in an America in which the white race, Protestantism, and progress were conflated to define a triumphalist American national identity, one that allowed varying levels of inclusion for Muslims based on their ethnic, racial, and national backgrounds. The enormous bloodshed and destruction experienced during World War I ushered in a crisis of confidence in the ideals of the European Enlightenment, as well as in white, Protestant nationalism. It opened up avenues for alternative expressions of progress, which allowed Muslims, along with other nonwhite, non-Christian communities, to engage in political and social organization. Among these organizations were a number of black religious movements that used Islamic beliefs, rites, and symbols to define a black Muslim national identity. World War II further shifted America, away from the religious competition that had earlier defined the nation’s identity and toward a “civil religion” of American democratic values and political institutions. Although this inclusive rhetoric was received differently along racial and ethnic lines, there was an overall appeal for greater visibility for Muslims in America. After World War II, increased commercial and diplomatic relations between the United States and Muslim-majority countries put American Muslims in a position, not only to relate Islam and America in their own lives but also to mediate between the varying interests of Muslim-majority countries and the United States. Following the civil rights legislation of the 1950s and 1960s and the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, Muslim activists, many of whom had been politicized by anticolonial movements abroad, established new Islamic institutions. Eventually, a window was opened between the US government and American Muslim activists, who found a common enemy in communism following the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s. Since the late 1960s, the number of Muslims in the United States has grown significantly. Today, Muslims are estimated to constitute a little more than 1 percent of the US population. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of the United States as the sole superpower in the world, the United States has come into military conflict with Muslim-majority countries and has been the target of attacks by militant Muslim organizations. This has led to the cultivation of the binaries of “Islam and the West” and of “good” Islam and “bad” Islam, which have contributed to the racialization of American Muslims. It has also interpolated them into a reality external to their history and lived experiences as Muslims and Americans.


2014 ◽  
Vol 121 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael E. Carey

This historical review explores Harvey Cushing's difficulties with both the British and American armies during his World War I service to definitively examine the rumor of his possible court martial. It also provides a further understanding of Cushing the man. While in France during World War I, Cushing was initially assigned to British hospital units. This service began in May 1917 and ended abruptly in May 1918 when the British cashiered him for repeated censorship violations. Returning to American command, he feared court martial. The army file on this matter (retrieved from the United States National Archives) indicates that US Army authorities recommended that Cushing be reprimanded and returned to the US for his violations. The army carried out neither recommendation, and no evidence exists that a court martial was considered. Cushing's army career and possible future academic life were protected by the actions of his surgical peers and Merritte Ireland, Chief Surgeon of the US Army in France. After this censorship episode, Cushing was made a neurosurgical consultant but was also sternly warned that further rule violations would not be tolerated by the US Army. Thereafter, despite the onset of a severe peripheral neuropathy, probably Guillian Barré's syndrome, Cushing was indefatigable in ministering to neurosurgical needs in the US sector in France. Cushing's repeated defying of censorship regulations reveals poor judgment plus an initial inability to be a “team player.” The explanations he offered for his censorship violations showed an ability to bend the truth. Cushing's war journal is unclear as to exactly what transpired between him and the British and US armies. It also shows no recognition of the help he received from others who were instrumental in preventing his ignominious removal from service in France. Had that happened, his academic future and ability to train future neurosurgical leaders may have been seriously threatened. Cushing's foibles notwithstanding, all realized that he contributed greatly to both British and US war neurosurgery. United States Army surgeons who operated upon brain wounds in France recognized Cushing as their leader.


ASKETIK ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anjar Sri Wahyuni

The American state that it became the object of the first Islamic da'wah in about 1875, from what was then known as Greater Syria (Great Syria [now includes Syria itself, Lebanon, Jordan and Palestine]) until the end of World War I. Followed by a second wave, in the 1920s to then be stopped because of World War II. Immigration laws in this period are rather limiting. Only black or Caucasian people can enter the United States. Arabs are considered not to fall into the two categories. While the third wave, between the mid-1940s and mid-1960s took place along with the occurrence of important changes outside the United States. Muslims who enter the US in this category are more educated. Most of them migrated because of political oppression. At the same time, especially in the 1960s various changes took place in US immigration policy. The job market is expanding and the country needs potential immigrants to fill the posts. Here ethnic or racial boundaries are loosened. Then the fourth wave, lasting about 1967 and still going on until now. They are generally very fluid and fluent in English. Their immigration is in place for various reasons such as for the improvement of professional ability and avoiding Government oppression. They also have the intention to settle or preach Islam in this Country. And the fifth wave started from 1967 until now. Those who came to America in this wave, in addition to economic reasons, political factors are also the main reasons that encourage them to migrate. There are some proofs that Islam came to America long before Columbus and the West.


Author(s):  
Muthanna Faiq Meri ◽  
Nathir Sami Abdel Wahid

The political, security, economic and social events taking place in the Iraqi arena - both before 2003 and in the period that followed - have different effects at the internal and external levels due to the overlap of interests and the multilateral parties concerned with the situation of Iraq and related to it in one way or another, including its impact on the United States US and Turkey, as the United States of America, the countries that occupied Iraq in 2003 and then withdrew from it in 2011 and is associated with treaties and strategic agreements, Turkey is the northern neighbor of Iraq and links with links and political and security issues and economy And thus the events in Iraq positively and negatively affect relations between the US and Turkey.


Author(s):  
Walter LaFeber

This chapter focuses on the emergence of the United States as a ‘superpower’ in 1945. It begins with a discussion of how America rose from being a group of British colonies to a continental empire containing human slavery during the period 1776–1865. It then examines how the reunification of the country after the Civil War, and the industrial revolution which followed, turned America into the world’s leading economic power by the early twentieth century. It also considers Woodrow Wilson’s empire of ideology and how the United States got involved in World War I, how the American economic system sank into depression between 1929 and 1933, and US role in the Cold War between 1933 and 1945.


1985 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Baack ◽  
Edward Ray

Despite the attention given by scholars to the military-industrial complex few studies have attempted to pinpoint and explain its origin. In this paper we argue that the coalescing of business, military, and political interest groups in support of a military build-up in the United States during peacetime occurred in the years between the Civil War and World War I. It was during this period that we observe the roots of institutional arrangements between the military and industry for the purpose of large-scale weapons acquisitions.


1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Manfredo

Throughout most of its history, the importance of the Panama Canal — to the United States, to Panama, and to the international shipping community — was never questioned. This situation changed when the political confrontation between the United States and the Noriega regime took place in the 1980s, and most of the media began to suggest that the usefulness of the Panama Canal was on the decline and no longer of much importance to world trade. In this regard, the media seriously misrepresented the facts. Let us take a closer look at the Canal in order to gain a better perspective on the actual situation.Prior to World War I, the volume of trade going through the Panama Canal, though a useful transportation artery, was relatively small. In fact, in 1929, its peak pre-War year, the total volume was just 30 million tons.


Ad Americam ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 67-82
Author(s):  
Anna Wyrwisz

The United States had developed trade relations with the Dutch East Indies before World War I. In the 1920s, American diplomatic services prepared reports on the economic and political situation in the Dutch colony. The U.S. wanted to defend their interests in the region. In 1949, after several years of attempts to regain power in Indonesia, the Dutch withdrew in the absence of American support. A decade later, suchlike events occurred in connection with Dutch New Guinea.


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