scholarly journals Sufyan bin Ayniah (107-198 AH) Narrations about (Islamic immaculate leaders) imams Al-Athar (P. B.U.T)

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 1785-1795
Author(s):  
Assist. Lec. Nawras Ali Latif

Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds who says ((We have not sent you but mercy to the worlds)) and peace and blessings be upon our Prophet Muhammad, the Master of Messengers, and on his good and pure household. Then……… Muslims were interested in historical narratives - as they recorded for us an important aspect of the events and facts that occurred throughout the historical ages, as scientists have emerged who have been interested in this field, as they conveyed to us many historical narratives, one of them was Sufyan ibn Ayniah (107-198 AH / 725-813AD), Where we dealt with his narratives in the life of the pure imams (peace be upon them), which are many. This simple research cannot accommodate the number of its pages. Therefore, we decided to confine it to study some of them, shedding light on them through the political, social and military situation that the Islamic Arab state lived during their era (peace be upon them).  

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112199169
Author(s):  
Kana Inata

Constitutional monarchies have proved to be resilient, and some have made substantive political interventions even though their positions are mostly hereditary, without granted constitutional channels to do so. This article examines how constitutional monarchs can influence political affairs and what impact royal intervention can have on politics. I argue that constitutional monarchs affect politics indirectly by influencing the preferences of the public who have de jure power to influence political leaders. The analyses herein show that constitutional monarchs do not indiscriminately intervene in politics, but their decisions to intervene reflect the public’s preferences. First, constitutional monarchs with little public approval become self-restraining and do not attempt to assert their political preferences. Second, they are more likely to intervene in politics when the public is less satisfied about the incumbent government. These findings are illustrated with historical narratives regarding the political involvement of King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand in the 2000s.


Arabica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 60 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 146-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amalia Levanoni

Abstract The taqārīẓ were part of an established system of academic recognition and the ʿulamāʾ patronage networks and at times, they could also be a powerful satirical weapon used by the learned elite members to denigrate and exclude a colleague. The large collection of the satire taqārīẓ written for the panegyric Biography composed in 819/1416 by Šams al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Nāhiḍ for the Mamluk sultan al-Muʾayyad Šayḫ is explored in this article as a supplementary source to the historical narratives for the study of the ʿulamāʾ milieu during the strained period of the transition from Turkish to Circassian sultanate (784/1382). Placing these taqārīẓ in the context of the increasing social insecurity entailed by the political reshuffles, reveals the growing anxiety of the incumbent learned elites over their positions and status in the administration of justice, the academe (madāris) and the waqf institution—the spheres where they exercised their hegemony of knowledge and religious power—and the strategies they adopted for their social survival.


Author(s):  
Adeed Dawisha

This introductory chapter provides an overview of Arab nationalism. Throughout his numerous writings on Arab nationalism, Sati‘ al-Husri—the foremost theoretician of Arab nationalism—never lost sight of the ultimate goal of the ideology he so vigorously propagated, namely the political unity of the Arabic-speaking people. He wrote that the happiest of nations were the ones in which political and national boundaries were fused into one another. In another one of his writings, Husri says that he is constantly asked how was it that the Arabs lost the 1948–1949 war over Palestine when they were seven states and Israel was only one? His answer is unequivocal: the Arabs lost the war precisely because they were seven states. Thus, to avoid losing future wars, the Arabs had to unite into one Arab state.


Author(s):  
Holly Walters

The history of Mustang, Nepal is complicated and can vary significantly depending on the textual sources one uses. For local Mustangis and pilgrims, however, issues of place, space, and time are a vital part of what it means to be Hindu or Buddhist as well as Nepali, Indian, or Tibetan, even though these categories remain continuously blurred and fluid. Beginning with the paleontological history of Mustang’s extensive fossil formations and ending with an overview of the political history of the region, this chapter focuses on the ways in which historical narratives have affected access to the Kali Gandaki River Valley, and to Shaligrams specifically, since the earliest days.


2020 ◽  
pp. 78-111
Author(s):  
Maya Nadkarni

This chapter argues that the various attempts to distance the past became the condition of Hungary for its return in the form of nostalgia for socialist mass and popular culture. It discusses the remains of socialism from anachronistic monuments and devalued historical narratives to the detritus of an everyday life now on the brink of vanishing, such as candy bars and soda pop. Despite appearances, this nostalgia did not represent a wistful desire to return to the previous era nor simply to the gleeful impulse to laugh at state socialist kitsch found years earlier. The chapter explains the detachment of fond communal memories of certain objects from the political system that produced them. It points out the ironic invocation of the international discourse of cultural heritage that legitimate the trash of the previous era and enabled Hungarians to redefine themselves as both savvy capitalist consumers and cultured democratic citizens.


Author(s):  
Catalina Balmaceda

The political transformation that took place at the end of the Roman Republic was a particularly rich area for historical analysis. The crisis that saw the end of the Roman Republic and the changes which gave birth to a new political system were narrated by major Roman historians who took the Roman idea of virtus as a way of interpreting and understanding their history. Tracing how virtus informed Roman thought over time, the book explores the concept and its manifestations in the narratives of four successive Latin historians who span the late republic and early principate: Sallust, Livy, Velleius, and Tacitus. Balmaceda demonstrates that the concept of virtus in these historical narratives served as a form of self-definition which fostered and propagated a new model of the ideal Roman more fitting to imperial times. As a crucial moral and political concept, virtus worked as a key idea in the complex system of Roman socio-cultural values and norms which underpinned Roman attitudes about both present and past. This book offers a re-appraisal of the historians as promoters of change and continuity in the political culture of both the Republic and the Empire.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMIN SAMMAN

AbstractIn recent years, critical scholars have emphasised how the recollection of past events as traumas can both constrain and widen the political possibilities of a present. This article builds on such research by suggesting that the management of contemporary financial crises is reliant on a ritual work of repetition, wherein prior ‘crisis’ episodes are called upon to identify and authorise specific sites and modes of crisis management. In order to develop this argument, I focus on how past crises figure within the public pronouncements of four key policymaking organisations during the financial instability of 2007–9. I find that while the Great Depression does enable these organisations to reaffirm old ways of managing crises, both it and the more recent Asian crisis are also made to disclose new truths about the evolution of multilateralism as a form of governance. In so doing, I argue, these historical narratives reveal how the management of global financial crisis depends upon a kind of ‘magic trick’. Rather than a strictly rational, historical process of problem solving, contemporary crises are instead negotiated through a contingent and self-referential conjuring of crisis-histories.


2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan K. Miller

AbstractDescriptions of the political order of the Xiongnu empire rely heavily upon Chinese historical narratives and, as a result, often simplify steppe politics and gloss over provincial political agents. This paper therefore discusses the entire spectrum of “kings” and regional elites in the steppes in order to elucidate shifting power politics over the course of the Xiongnu empire. Furthermore, a comparison of historical dynamics with the archaeological record suggests that competition from local leaders against the ruling factions spurred changes in material regimes of the imperial political culture, leading to a bifurcation of the steppe elite and pronounced expressions of authority.


Author(s):  
Saad B. Eskander

Almost all scholars agree that Gertrude Bell played a key role in the establishment of an Arab state in Mesopotamia, following the end of the First World War. But it is little known that her attitudes had a fateful effect on the political future of Southern Kurdistan (the present Iraqi Kurdistan). Some political analysts attribute the present ethnic and religious troubles in Iraq to Bell’s unrealistic plans. This chapter looks at Bell's position on the Kurdish situation within the context of the formation of the Arab state. It will examine how Bell’s insistence on subjecting Southern Kurds to Arab Hashemite rule was influenced not only by political and strategic considerations, but also by personal, cultural and social factors, her friendships with Arab notables and leaders, and her deep knowledge and appreciation of Arabic language, traditions and history.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-112
Author(s):  
Paul Miller-Melamed

How has the Sarajevo assassination been conjured and construed, narrated and represented, in a wide variety of media including fiction, film, newspapers, children’s literature, encyclopedias, textbooks, and academic writing itself? In what ways have these sources shaped our understanding of the so-called “first shots of the First World War”? By treating the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (28 June 1914) as a "site of memory" à la historian Pierre Nora, this article argues that both popular representations and historical narratives (including academic writing) of the political murder have contributed equally to the creation of what I identify here as the “Sarajevo myth.”


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