The gender pay gap for full-time employees has changed little in the last decade

Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maik Hamjediers

Research often invokes gender disparities in wage-determining characteristics to explain gender pay gaps. However, the to extent to which these gender disparities and gender pay gaps vary across contexts has received less attention. Therefore, I analyze how regional gender ideologies predict gender pay gaps in two ways: As directly affecting gender pay gaps and as indirectly predicting gender pay gaps through intermediate gender disparities in wage-determinants. The analyses are based on German survey data (SOEP 2014-2018) supplemented with regional-level statistics. First, I leverage regional differences in predictors of gender ideologies to estimate region-specific gender ideologies. Mapping these gender ideologies across Germany reveals substantial regional variation, which exceeds the known difference between East and Western Germany. Second, multi-level models provide region-specific gender disparities in wage-determinants and gender pay gaps. They show that in regions where traditional gender ideologies are wide-spread, women have less labor market experience and are less likely to work full-time or in supervising positions. Traditional gender ideologies thereby indirectly contribute to a higher gender pay gap by inducing gender disparities in labor market outcomes.Even after accounting for such disparities in wage-determinants, a considerable gender pay gap persists in regions with relatively more traditional gender ideologies. This points to a direct effect of gender ideologies on adjusted gender pay gaps which might base on gender ideologies inducing women’s pay discrimination or gender-divergent wage expectations and negotiations.


Author(s):  
JooHee Han ◽  
Michelle Budig

The “gender pay gap” refers to the average difference in men’s and women’s earnings, and is typically adjusted for hours worked. The gender pay gap can refer to differences in mean or median annual earnings, weekly earnings, or hourly wage. Because women tend to work part-time at higher rates than do men, and because part-time work tends to pay lower hourly wages relative to full-time work, the size of the gender pay gap is affected by whether full- and part-time, full-year or seasonal, and very young and very old workers are included in the estimates. Among full-time, year-round American workers aged sixteen and above in 2017, the gender pay gap (median weekly earnings) was 18.2 percent, meaning that women earned 81.8 cents of every man’s dollar. In the United States, women of color earn less relative to white men than white women do, owing to racial gaps in pay among women; moreover, within-race gender pay gaps are often smaller among racial/ethnic minorities, reflecting the low earnings of minority men. The gender gap has narrowed considerably since the early 20th century, yet disparities in women’s and men’s earnings persist. Moreover, this narrowing has not proceeded in a linear fashion and the gap has occasionally increased. This entry first introduces important literatures on historic and contemporary trends in the gender pay gap and then discusses the various explanations for the persistence of, and changes in, the gap. These explanations highlight the role of occupational gender segregation; the devaluation of female-typed work; gender differences in experience; family structure, care responsibilities, and the gendered impact of parenthood; workplace structures of inequality; glass ceilings and glass escalators. This entry concludes with a discussion of narrowing the gap and what it will take to close the gap.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Carolina Neira ◽  
Eduardo Rodríguez ◽  
Álvaro Valdés

The National University of Colombia boasts a clear and egalitarian salary regime for its academic staff. Apart from rules concerning maternity and paternity leaves, which follow national Colombian legislation, the Academic Personal Statute is completely free of gender-based norms. Salaries are assigned through a points system that considers training level, productivity, and academic rank. With this in mind, one might expect to find egalitarian male and female salary conditions free of the gender-related gaps existing in other, more arbitrary private work environments. In this article, we present the results of a variance decomposition analysis of the gross salaries of all full-time professors and report the existence of an unadjusted gender pay gap of 0.12 and adjusted or unexplained gaps of 0.07-0.09 obtained through a Mincer earnings regression and a Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition. Partial correlations between these gaps and the different factors that come into play are examined and analyzed. The high impact of professors’ research track record on their salaries appears as the main contribution to the gender differences. It seems plausible that the crucial need for time to dedicate to research opens the window to the patriarchal society to permeate the otherwise egalitarian salary regime of the University, especially for the highest range of salaries corresponding mainly to male full professors who are very active in research.


Author(s):  
Gabriela Polakova

The aim of this article is to find out if in the analyzed company there exists a pay discrimination between women and men. If so, how big it is and what impact it has on real salaries. In the analyzed company the survey was focused on the salaries´ differentiation of random sample of 30 women and 30 men working on the same or similar positions, enrolled in the same pay scales and working full time. The prerequisite for the distribution of salaries in the population was a normal distribution. The construction of two-sided confidence interval for estimating salary variation in the population was based on ꭓ2 distribution and give us a reply on the question at what interval the standard deviation of salaries in the population of all men and women in the company can be expected with 95% probability. For this purpose, there was used the estimate of variance of the population. Findings show a still occurring gender pay gap.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janis Barry

Abstract Background Healthcare has been identified as a job engine during recent recessions in the U.S. Whether the healthcare sector provides better than average pay remains a question. This study investigates if wages grew with the expanding demand for healthcare workers between 2001 and 2017. Wage growth in the (1) physicians and surgeons, (2) nurse, (3) healthcare practitioner and technical, (4) healthcare support, and (5) direct patient care jobs are examined. The gender pay gap in each occupation is investigated. Methods The American Community Survey (ACS) public use microdata sample (PUMS) for 2001, 2004, 2008, 2013, and 2017 were used to derive hourly wages for full-time, full-year workers aged 18–75. The cumulative percent change in unadjusted, median hourly wages between 2001 and 2017 was calculated for each occupation. Quantile regression estimates predicted a median hourly wage for men and women by year and job after adjusting for differences in demographics, industry, and hours worked. Results Unadjusted median wage growth was 9.92% for nurses, 5.68% for healthcare practitioners, and 37.6% for physicians between 2001 and 2017. These rates are roughly above the estimated national rate of wage growth at the 50th wage percentile. In healthcare support and direct patient care occupations, workers experienced either stagnant or negative wage growth. Women had lower occupational wages than men. Conclusion The slow or negative median wage growth in all but the physician occupation between 2004–2008 and 2008–2013 confirms that healthcare wages in the U.S. are not recession-proof, unlike healthcare employment. Generally, women's earnings grew at rates that were higher or less negative than rates for men. This trend contributed to narrowing the gender pay gap in every occupation except for nurse.


2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronika Hedija ◽  
Petr Musil
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