Remittances from the U.S. to Latin America and the Caribbean: Following the Money Journey

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xavier Martin ◽  
Danielle Sobol ◽  
Barbara Magnoni ◽  
Elizabeth Burgess
Keyword(s):  
1984 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Raymond Duncan

The October 1983 crisis in Grenada left little doubt that the Soviet and Cuban presence had been expanding in the Caribbean basin. But the October crisis did not answer questions regarding the extent of their actual influence there, nor the direction it might take in the future, nor even what the most appropriate U.S. policy responses should be to that influence elsewhere in the region. Therefore, in the wake of the U.S. occupation of Grenada and the evidence it uncovered about the degree of Soviet and Cuban activity there, it is useful to examine the kind of situations that have encouraged the Soviets to expand their presence and/or influence in Latin America. At the same time, it equally is useful to examine the limitations or constraints on such an expanded presence or influence.Clearly, Soviet policy in Latin America has been the product of two conflicting forces or tendencies.


1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Evanson

This Essay examines Soviet uses of economic trade for political and diplomatic purposes in Latin America. Recent events in Central America and the Caribbean have generated a great number of analyses of Soviet goals and tactics in the Western Hemisphere (Duncan, 1984; Leiken, 1984; Rothenberg, 1984; Varas, 1984; Valenta, 1982). Direct Soviet military aid to Nicaragua, and to Grenada prior to the U.S. invasion in 1983, has suggested a more forward Soviet role in the region. On the other hand, Soviet arms shipments to Latin America, excepting those to Cuba, are a relatively recent response to revolutionary developments that may prove to be ephemeral, or which may encounter stiff U.S. resistance. Given geopolitical realities of the area, the Soviet military option certainly is less viable in Latin America than elsewhere in the developing world. In contrast, trade and aid – and Soviet aid is given chiefly in the form of trade credits – are a long-established, politically safe tactical alternative.


Author(s):  
David B. H. Denoon

The concluding chapter examines the U.S.-China relations from both economic and geopolitical perspectives in Latin America and Caribbean, and also in a broader context, namely, Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean. China, as the rising power in Latin America and the Caribbean, is using economic and political incentives to explore how best to maximize its interests in a region, which is formerly dominated by the U.S. The U.S., on the other hand, as the status quo power in the region, finds low levels of Chinese trade and investment unthreatening, yet is likely to respond to China’s potential geopolitical ambitions in the region. In the broader context, great power politics is alive and well—both China and the U.S. are faced with their own domestic challenges influencing their presences in the three regions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 1740002
Author(s):  
YEN-PIN SU ◽  
OSCAR-RENÉ VARGAS DELGADO

In this article, we provide a theoretical and empirical evaluation of the argument that China is becoming a hegemonic challenge in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). We argue that, while there is a trend that China has become increasingly dominant in the economic affairs of LAC, the perceived strength of China as a challenger to the U.S. hegemony is shaped by different strategies of Chinese involvement. Focusing on the financing arrangement for infrastructure projects, our case study of the Nicaragua Interoceanic Canal project shows that the challenge that China has posed to the U.S. hegemony might not be as strong as expected. We analyze the controversies revolving around the Canal project and examine how local communities have responded to the project. We conclude that, while the Nicaragua Interoceanic Canal project is ambitious, its success depends on how much support the PRC government and Chinese banks provide and how well the Nicaraguan government addresses the various concerns of the local communities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ercio Muñoz

In this paper, I estimate intergenerational mobility (IGM) in education using cross-sectional data from 91 censuses that span 24 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) over half a century. I measure upward mobility as the likelihood of obtaining at least a primary education for individuals whose parents did not finish primary school, whereas downward mobility as the likelihood of failing to complete primary education for individuals whose parents completed at least primary school. In addition, I explore the geography of educational IGM using nearly 400 “provinces” (coarse administrative units similar to states in the U.S.) and more than 6,000 “districts” (fine administrative units similar to counties in the U.S.). I document wide cross-country and within-country heterogeneity. In LAC, the distance between the most and least upwardly mobile country is close to what has been recently documented in Africa, although the least mobile countries in Africa are less mobile than the least mobile in LAC. I document a declining trend in the mobility gap between urban and rural populations, but I do not find important differences by gender. Within countries, the level of mobility is highly correlated to the share of primary completion of the previous generation, which suggests a high level of inertia. In addition, upward (downward) mobility is negatively (positively) correlated to distance to the capital and the share of employment in agriculture, but positively (negatively) correlated to the share of employment in industry. (Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality Working Paper)


MCU Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-43
Author(s):  
Christopher Davis

As Haiti and other nations in the Caribbean and Latin America experience increasing instability, and the United States increases its naval presence in the region, history offers important lessons for future U.S. involvement. An exploration of the tactical innovations of the Marine Corps and of the influence of national history on the Haitian insurgencies during the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1915–34) reveals the significance of history in either achieving or curtailing military goals.


Author(s):  
David B. H. Denoon

This chapter lays out the basic themes of the book and examines the commercial and strategic interests of U.S. and China in Latin America. China has become the largest trading partner for more than half of the Latin American countries, while the U.S. has sought to be the preeminent power in Latin America and the Caribbean since 1823 and the announcement of Monroe Doctrine. China does not pose a direct military threat to the U.S. or its Latin interests, but it does represent serious competition in the economic and diplomatic arenas. In the past decade, a clear East-West split has developed among the Latin American states. Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina became more nationalistic and anti-U.S., while Chile, Columbia, and Peru have tended to be more market-oriented and comfortable working with U.S. power. The U.S. currently benefits from disarray on the Left in Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela. Newly developed institutions, e.g., UNASUR, the New Development Bank, and TPP, may also change the U.S.’s and China’s influence in the region.


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