scholarly journals The Importance of Hong Kong in the Political and Economic Strategy of the Chinese Communist Authorities under Xi Jinping

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (9) ◽  
pp. 111-139
Author(s):  
Paweł Bielicki
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Economic Strategy ◽  
Main Research

The aim of the article is to present and analyse the importance of Hong Kong in the political and economic strategy of the communist authorities in China under Xi Jinping. I am going to try to answer the question of whether China’s policy towards the Special Autonomous District has changed after the President of China came to power. I have decided to present this topic as a result of the discussions in the discourse on the future of Hong Kong in the era of Chinese expansionist policy. In the text, I analysed the main determinants of the relationship of both entities and the increasingly frequent attempts to undermine the autonomy that Hong Kong has enjoyed for over 20 years. During Xi Jinping’s rule, the new secretary general of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, aims to accelerate the process of unifying this area with mainland China, recognizing it as the first stage in gaining China’s position as a global superpower. The main thesis of the article assumes that from the beginning of Xi’s rule in power, the Chinese communists recognized Hong Kong as one of the most important problems in Beijing’s political strategy. Therefore, they took specific steps to strengthen control over the province. The authorities in Beijing believe that only strict control over the Hong Kong people will enable a strong influence for China in international events, strengthening its position in the time of a possible confrontation with the United States. The main research paradigm used in the text is the system analysis method.

Dealings with ccp and kmt in British Hong Kong: The Shanghai Bankers, 1948–1951 (在英屬香港面對中國共產黨和中國國民黨──上海銀行家的抉擇與挑戰,1948〜1951年)

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-149
Author(s):  
Pui-Tak Lee (李培德)
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assumption ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Final Destination ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Modern Chinese History

The year 1949 was a great divide in modern Chinese history. How Shanghai bankers responded to it is an interesting question to address. For those bankers who chose to leave Shanghai and settle in British Hong Kong, can we suppose they were permanently separated from China or Taiwan? It is generally assumed that once the Shanghai bankers confined themselves to their new home in Hong Kong or moved on to other locations in the United States or elsewhere, they immediately severed all ties with either mainland China under the ccp (Chinese Communist Party) or Taiwan under the kmt (Kuomintang or Guomindang). Such an assumption leads to a mistaken argument that the departure of Chinese bankers from Shanghai cut short their involvements in China politics. Perhaps it is true that some emigrant bankers never returned, but others remained in touch with their home in China, whether because they were solicited by the agents who were sent to the colony by the ccp in China and the kmt in Taiwan, or, because they took the initiative in reaching across the borders to mainland China or Taiwan. From their sanctuary in Hong Kong, how did the bankers conduct cross-border relations after 1949? This paper will go beyond the general assumption that the Shanghai bankers turned to Hong Kong solely for the colony’s being a sanctuary during the political and economic turmoil of the 1940s. Instead, these bankers continued to engage in political confrontation to the ccp and the kmt after they fled Shanghai. This paper argues that once they were in the colony, they had to address several problems. These included, first, to choose their final destination in either Shanghai, Hong Kong or Taipei; second, whether to continue or quit their banking careers and thirdly, to find a solution in order to counteract the alignment with either the ccp or the kmt. 1949年是中國近代史的分水嶺，上海銀行家對面對動盪不安的局勢會作出怎樣的回應，是一個很值得討論的問題。一旦銀行家選擇離開上海，轉移到英屬香港，他們就可完全脫離國共內戰的地理範疇──中國大陸或臺灣嗎？一般的研究無不認為已從香港轉移到香港的上海銀行家，目的為遠離包括在大陸執政的中國共產黨或撤退至臺灣的國民黨。本文指出，這樣的設想是對當時處於動盪政治經濟局勢的上海銀行家的錯誤理解。事實上，當時是有一部份從上海撤離的銀行家並不願意再被捲入政治，但是有更多已在境外的銀行家，透過自己在國共兩黨的代表，與中國大陸或臺灣保持緊密之聯繫，也有許多銀行家是主動地發展出跨境的管道來維持與中國大陸或臺灣的關係。值得探討的是，1949年之後，這些以英屬香港為基地的跨境聯繫是如何運作的呢？ 本文探討1940年代末在中國變動的政治與經濟局勢下，香港不僅為離開上海的銀行家提供一個安全的庇護所，同時更是這些銀行家在離開上海後繼續面對中國共產黨和國民黨，進行各種活動的最重要境外基地。本文指出這些上海銀行家在移居香港之際所要面對的諸多問題。首先，如何在上海、香港和臺北三地之間作出選擇，哪裏是他們最佳的落腳處？其次，是否要繼續和如何維持銀行的業務？最後，應如何因應中國共產黨和中國國民黨向他們的統戰而作出適當的反應？ (This article is in English).

scholarly journals United States Terminates Hong Kong's Special Status Due to National Security Law Imposed by Beijing

2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-138
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
National Security ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The United States ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Law ◽  
People's Congress

In June 2019, protests erupted in Hong Kong after its government proposed an extradition agreement with mainland China. Alarmed by the protests, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party announced that it would consider new national security measures for Hong Kong. On June 30, 2020, China's National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) passed the “Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.” While the law was under consideration, the United States responded by declaring that Hong Kong was no longer significantly autonomous from mainland China and beginning the process of ending Hong Kong's special status under U.S. law. The United States and its allies continue to criticize Hong Kong's deteriorating autonomy from China, pointing to the postponement of elections in Hong Kong as further evidence.

Dynamic Co-Evolutions of Peace Frames in the United States, Mainland China, and Hong Kong

2018 ◽  
pp. 145-168
Author(s):  
Ke Jiang ◽  
George A. Barnett ◽  
Laramie D. Taylor ◽  
Bo Feng
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Semantic Network ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Semantic Networks ◽  
The United States ◽  
Semantic Network Analysis ◽  
Xinhua News Agency ◽  
South China Morning

This chapter employs semantic network analysis to investigate the online database LexisNexis to study the dynamic co-evolutions of peace frames embedded in the news coverage from the Associated Press (AP--United States), Xinhua News Agency (XH--Mainland China), and South China Morning Post (SCMP—Hong Kong). From 1995 to 2014, while the war and harmony frames were relatively stable in AP and XH respectively, there was a trend toward convergence of the use of war frames between AP and XH. The convergence of semantic networks of coverage of peace in AP and XH may have left more room for SCPM to develop a unique peace frame, and the divergence of semantic networks of coverage of peace in AP and XH may lead SCPM to develop strategies of balancing the frames employed by AP and XH, thus creating a hybrid peace frame.

Conceptualizations of sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233
Author(s):  
Ray C. H. Leung
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Analytical Techniques ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Media Discourse ◽  
Mainland Chinese ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Occupy Central ◽  
Cultural Linguistics

Abstract This study of media discourse focuses on how the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is conceptualized by the English-speaking press. To this end, the present research studies newspaper articles on the Hong Kong Occupy Central Movement published in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Cultural Linguistics, combined with corpus analytical techniques, is used to examine the construals of hong kong and mainland china. A 303,455-word corpus which contains 402 articles was compiled for data analysis. It is found that the disagreement between the Hong Kong civilians and the Mainland Chinese government is often reported with metonymical conceptualizations (place for inhabitants versus place for the institution). In general, the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is imbued with negative emotions, disharmony, and power differences, as is evident from the body, illness, disease, container, and possession conceptualizations. At the end of this paper, issues about researching conceptualizations in newspaper texts, such as the journalistic input, are discussed.

scholarly journals Is Populism a Political Strategy? A Critique of an Enduring Approach

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172096235
Author(s):  
Daniel Rueda
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Close Inspection ◽  
Strategic Approach

The political-strategic approach is one of the most employed frameworks within the methodologically heterogeneous subfield of populism studies. In the last two decades, it has contributed to the analysis of populism both in Latin America and the United States and, more recently, in Western and Eastern Europe. That being said, a close inspection of its axioms and its conceptualization of the phenomenon shows that it is built on ill-conceived premises. This article intends to be a comprehensive critique of the approach that can contribute to the methodological progress of the field. It criticizes the three main dysfunctions of the approach: selective rationalism, leader-centrism, and normative bias.

scholarly journals “I Want to be More Hong Kong Than a Hongkonger”

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-27
Author(s):  
Charlene Peishan Chan
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Intergroup Relations ◽  
Language Ideologies ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primary Language ◽  
National Identification

  The years leading up to the political handover of Hong Kong to Mainland China surfaced issues regarding national identification and intergroup relations. These issues manifested in Hong Kong films of the time in the form of film characters’ language ideologies. An analysis of six films reveals three themes: (1) the assumption of mutual intelligibility between Cantonese and Putonghua, (2) the importance of English towards one’s Hong Kong identity, and (3) the expectation that Mainland immigrants use Cantonese as their primary language of communication in Hong Kong. The recurrence of these findings indicates their prevalence amongst native Hongkongers, even in a post-handover context.

Hong Kong government cannot ignore protester demands

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Government ◽  
Selection Of

Subject The demands set out by anti-government protesters in Hong Kong. Significance Mass protests have forced the government to withdraw an unpopular bill allowing extradition to mainland China. However, the protesters’ agenda has broadened to include four more demands: repudiation of the government’s designation of the protests as ‘riots’; amnesty for all protesters; an independent probe into the police’s use of force; and universal suffrage for the selection of Hong Kong’s chief executive. Impacts Investigations, trials and lawsuits will drag on for years, poisoning the political atmosphere and hindering cooperation between camps. Hong Kong’s independent judiciary may be a moderating influence. Replacing Lam would not be a fresh start; the process would spotlight Hong Kong’s lack of democracy.

Transborder Infrastructure

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Hirsh
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Pearl River ◽  
The Political ◽  
Global Migration ◽  
Economic Framework ◽  
The Pearl River Delta ◽  
Passenger Flows ◽  
The Pearl River ◽  
Migration Regimes

The second chapter investigates the “upstream” check-in system that allows passengers in Mainland China to fly through Hong Kong's airport without going through customs and immigration procedures. These facilities serve travelers whose cross-border movement is limited by their income or citizenship, such as tourists or traders from Africa and the Middle East. At the upstream terminal in China, travelers print their boarding pass and proceed through emigration. A sealed ferry then takes them across the border to Hong Kong, where they are transferred to an underground train that takes them to their departure gate. Isolated from other passenger flows, these “upstream” travelers technically never enter Hong Kong. Mapping the movement of passengers between Mainland China and the airport, this chapter documents the insertion of aviation infrastructure into marginal neighborhoods and unspectacular structures. It analyzes the aesthetics of transborder infrastructure in order to interpret broader discrepancies in global migration regimes in the political and economic framework of the Pearl River Delta.

VOLATILITIES AND RETURN CO-MOVEMENTS AMONG STOCK MARKETS IN MAINLAND CHINA, HONG KONG, AND THE UNITED STATES

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
WEIJIE HOU ◽  
BAISHENG CUI ◽  
YUPING SONG ◽  
YING CHEN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Stock Markets ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
The United States ◽  
Investment Environment ◽  
Financial Investment ◽  
Return Rates ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Hot Money

Along with the international trade and economic ties, international stock markets are performing increasingly closely. This paper investigates the volatilities and the return co-movements among three stock markets in mainland China, Hong Kong, and the United States, from January 1, 2007, to July 5, 2019. We use the MIDAS framework to separately characterize short-term and long-term features. The results reveal that different market volatilities have different sensitivities to the same events. After the second half of 2016, the volatility of China’s stock market gradually dropped below that of the other two markets. As for market co-movements, the return correlation between China and Hong Kong rose sharply after 2007. Although the co-movements for return rates among these three stock markets possess mutual dynamic synchronization features, deviations exist occasionally due to the emotional transfer of funds in the international market when a significant economic or financial event occurs. The analysis suggests that countries should stabilize the financial investment environment and guard against hot money activities.

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