Conceptualizations of sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233
Author(s):  
Ray C. H. Leung

Abstract This study of media discourse focuses on how the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is conceptualized by the English-speaking press. To this end, the present research studies newspaper articles on the Hong Kong Occupy Central Movement published in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Cultural Linguistics, combined with corpus analytical techniques, is used to examine the construals of hong kong and mainland china. A 303,455-word corpus which contains 402 articles was compiled for data analysis. It is found that the disagreement between the Hong Kong civilians and the Mainland Chinese government is often reported with metonymical conceptualizations (place for inhabitants versus place for the institution). In general, the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is imbued with negative emotions, disharmony, and power differences, as is evident from the body, illness, disease, container, and possession conceptualizations. At the end of this paper, issues about researching conceptualizations in newspaper texts, such as the journalistic input, are discussed.

2017 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 510-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew K Pine ◽  
Ding Wang ◽  
Lindsay Porter ◽  
Kexiong Wang

Abstract Given the common physical overlapping between coastal developments and important marine mammal habitats, there is a need to identify potentially important foraging grounds for dolphins when informing marine spatial planning and management of underwater noise. Hydrophones were deployed at four locations either side of the mainland China–Hong Kong Special Administrative Region border to monitor the presence of soniferous fishes; a key prey item for Indo-Pacific humpback dolphins. Five distinct chorus-types were identified; each showing spatiotemporal variability. Each chorus-type was assumed to represent a separate species. Chorus-type diversity also differed between sites, with SP4 and SP5 types only being detected within Hong Kong waters where bottom trawling is illegal. Chorus-type SP1 was only detected at the recording sites in mainland Chinese waters. Call rates and chorus duration were highest during the spring and summer months. Given these dolphins show a predator-prey relationship, these data provide new information on the local fish communities at a much finer-scale than fish landing records and a baseline of fish activity in an environment that is challenging to explore. Overlaid with acoustic detections of foraging dolphins, these data form a basis for identifying potentially important foraging habitats that should be afforded the highest priority for protection.


Author(s):  
Ke Jiang ◽  
George A. Barnett ◽  
Laramie D. Taylor ◽  
Bo Feng

This chapter employs semantic network analysis to investigate the online database LexisNexis to study the dynamic co-evolutions of peace frames embedded in the news coverage from the Associated Press (AP--United States), Xinhua News Agency (XH--Mainland China), and South China Morning Post (SCMP—Hong Kong). From 1995 to 2014, while the war and harmony frames were relatively stable in AP and XH respectively, there was a trend toward convergence of the use of war frames between AP and XH. The convergence of semantic networks of coverage of peace in AP and XH may have left more room for SCPM to develop a unique peace frame, and the divergence of semantic networks of coverage of peace in AP and XH may lead SCPM to develop strategies of balancing the frames employed by AP and XH, thus creating a hybrid peace frame.


Author(s):  
Natalie Wong

China is one of the largest e-waste dumping sites in the world, and Hong Kong, a semi-autonomous territory in China, is also affected by illegal e-waste disposal and transfer. While the Chinese government implemented a waste import ban in January 2018, Hong Kong has not enforced Chinese policies under the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Drawing on a policy network approach, this paper provides an explanatory framework for e-waste governance in Hong Kong and China, and identifies the major obstacles to shaping effective transboundary e-waste control and prevention. The paper argues that institutional arrangements play a dominant role in governing e-waste policy networks at the local level of governance in Hong Kong and China; however, a lack of accountability and capacity at the transboundary level can explain the different waste electrical and electronic equipment (WEEE) management strategies in these two places.


Significance The strike is a major escalation of the months-long anti-government protest movement, causing serious economic disruption for the first time and setting a precedent. The government’s suspension of a controversial bill allowing extradition to mainland China has failed to satisfy activists and a significant section of the public. Police today continue to clash with protesters in several locations around the city, resulting in arrests, serious injuries and destruction of public property. Impacts Use of mainland Chinese military riot police is now realistic. The longer protests continue, the more opportunities there are for miscalculation or radical tactics on both sides that deepen animosities. Limited mainland intervention as a last resort still seems more likely than a risky attempt to intimidate using overwhelming force.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-149
Author(s):  
Pui-Tak Lee (李培德)

The year 1949 was a great divide in modern Chinese history. How Shanghai bankers responded to it is an interesting question to address. For those bankers who chose to leave Shanghai and settle in British Hong Kong, can we suppose they were permanently separated from China or Taiwan? It is generally assumed that once the Shanghai bankers confined themselves to their new home in Hong Kong or moved on to other locations in the United States or elsewhere, they immediately severed all ties with either mainland China under the ccp (Chinese Communist Party) or Taiwan under the kmt (Kuomintang or Guomindang). Such an assumption leads to a mistaken argument that the departure of Chinese bankers from Shanghai cut short their involvements in China politics. Perhaps it is true that some emigrant bankers never returned, but others remained in touch with their home in China, whether because they were solicited by the agents who were sent to the colony by the ccp in China and the kmt in Taiwan, or, because they took the initiative in reaching across the borders to mainland China or Taiwan. From their sanctuary in Hong Kong, how did the bankers conduct cross-border relations after 1949? This paper will go beyond the general assumption that the Shanghai bankers turned to Hong Kong solely for the colony’s being a sanctuary during the political and economic turmoil of the 1940s. Instead, these bankers continued to engage in political confrontation to the ccp and the kmt after they fled Shanghai. This paper argues that once they were in the colony, they had to address several problems. These included, first, to choose their final destination in either Shanghai, Hong Kong or Taipei; second, whether to continue or quit their banking careers and thirdly, to find a solution in order to counteract the alignment with either the ccp or the kmt. 1949年是中國近代史的分水嶺,上海銀行家對面對動盪不安的局勢會作出怎樣的回應,是一個很值得討論的問題。一旦銀行家選擇離開上海,轉移到英屬香港,他們就可完全脫離國共內戰的地理範疇──中國大陸或臺灣嗎?一般的研究無不認為已從香港轉移到香港的上海銀行家,目的為遠離包括在大陸執政的中國共產黨或撤退至臺灣的國民黨。本文指出,這樣的設想是對當時處於動盪政治經濟局勢的上海銀行家的錯誤理解。事實上,當時是有一部份從上海撤離的銀行家並不願意再被捲入政治,但是有更多已在境外的銀行家,透過自己在國共兩黨的代表,與中國大陸或臺灣保持緊密之聯繫,也有許多銀行家是主動地發展出跨境的管道來維持與中國大陸或臺灣的關係。值得探討的是,1949年之後,這些以英屬香港為基地的跨境聯繫是如何運作的呢? 本文探討1940年代末在中國變動的政治與經濟局勢下,香港不僅為離開上海的銀行家提供一個安全的庇護所,同時更是這些銀行家在離開上海後繼續面對中國共產黨和國民黨,進行各種活動的最重要境外基地。本文指出這些上海銀行家在移居香港之際所要面對的諸多問題。首先,如何在上海、香港和臺北三地之間作出選擇,哪裏是他們最佳的落腳處?其次,是否要繼續和如何維持銀行的業務?最後,應如何因應中國共產黨和中國國民黨向他們的統戰而作出適當的反應? (This article is in English).


Author(s):  
Steve Tsang

Hong Kong entered its modern era when it became a British overseas territory in 1841. In its early years as a Crown Colony, it suffered from corruption and racial segregation but grew rapidly as a free port that supported trade with China. It took about two decades before Hong Kong established a genuinely independent judiciary and introduced the Cadet Scheme to select and train senior officials, which dramatically improved the quality of governance. Until the Pacific War (1941–1945), the colonial government focused its attention and resources on the small expatriate community and largely left the overwhelming majority of the population, the Chinese community, to manage themselves, through voluntary organizations such as the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. The 1940s was a watershed decade in Hong Kong’s history. The fall of Hong Kong and other European colonies to the Japanese at the start of the Pacific War shattered the myth of the superiority of white men and the invincibility of the British Empire. When the war ended the British realized that they could not restore the status quo ante. They thus put an end to racial segregation, removed the glass ceiling that prevented a Chinese person from becoming a Cadet or Administrative Officer or rising to become the Senior Member of the Legislative or the Executive Council, and looked into the possibility of introducing municipal self-government. The exploration into limited democratization ended as the second landmark event unfolded—the success of the Chinese Communist Party in taking control of China. This resulted in Hong Kong closing its borders with China on a long-term basis and the local Chinese population settling down in the colony, where it took on a direction of development distinctly different from that of mainland China. The large influx of refugees to Hong Kong in the late 1940s was transformed by a pragmatic colonial administration into a demographic bonus, as all were allowed to work freely and become part of the community. Those refugees, particularly from Shanghai, who arrived with capital, management knowhow and skills gave some industries, such as textile and shipping, a big boost. With the entrepreneurial spirit of the Chinese community unleashed and the colonial administration now devoting most of its resources to support them, Hong Kong became an industrial colony and developed increasingly strong servicing sectors. By the 1980s, local entrepreneurs had become so successful that they took over some of the well-established major British companies that had been pillars of the local economy for a century. As Hong Kong developed, it looked to the wider world—something originally necessitated by the imposition of trade embargos on China by the United States and the United Nations after the start of the Korean War in 1950—and eventually transformed itself into a global metropolis. In this process, the younger generations who grew up after the Sino-British border was closed developed a common identity that made them proud citizens of Hong Kong, and they became agents of change in reshaping how their parents’ generation felt about Hong Kong and China. The great transformation of postwar Hong Kong happened in the shadow of a dark cloud over its long-term future, which is a legacy from history. Hong Kong in fact consists of three parts: the island of Hong Kong, the tip of the Kowloon peninsula, and the New Territories, which amounts to 90 percent of the overall territory. The first two were ceded by China to Britain in perpetuity, but the New Territories was only leased in 1898 for a period of 99 years. As the three parts developed organically they could not be separated. During the Pacific War the nationalist government of China successfully secured an agreement from the British government that the future of the New Territories would be open to negotiation after the defeat of Japan. When victory came, the British recovered Hong Kong, and the Chinese government was distracted by the challenges posed by the Communist Party. After it won control of mainland China in 1949 the Communist government left Hong Kong alone, as it was a highly valuable opening for China to reach out beyond the Communist bloc during the Cold War. In 1979 the British raised the issue of the New Territories lease, as the remainder of the lease was getting too short for comfort. Formal negotiations started in 1982, and it took two years for an agreement to be reached. The British government ultimately agreed to hand over the entirety of Hong Kong as a going concern to China, which undertook to maintain the system and way of life there unchanged for fifty years. The transitional period saw controversies over democratic developments in Hong Kong, which were limited at China’s insistence. The formal handover went smoothly in 1997, and the colony became a Chinese Special Administrative Region. At first it appeared that Hong Kong enjoyed a high degree of autonomy, as promised by the Chinese government, but the scope for its autonomy was eroded gradually. The increase in interactions between the local people and the mainland Chinese, as well as the Chinese authorities’ refusal to let Hong Kong develop genuine democracy, nurtured a strong sense of Hong Kong identity, which started to transform into a kind of national identity that is different and distinct from that of China. By the mid-2010s this gave rise to a small but vocal movement that advocates independence.


Worldview ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 20 (12) ◽  
pp. 4-8
Author(s):  
Gerald F. Hyman

If Secretary of State Vance's “exploratory” trip to China proved nothing else, it demonstrated once again that because our relations with Taiwan are the main obstacles to recognizing the People's Republic of China, it is Taiwan, not mainland China, that poses the main problem for American foreign policy in Asia. To a man the Chinese reiterated their conditions for establishing relations: abrogate the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954; break diplomatic relations with Taiwan; and withdraw the American military personnel from the island. With respect to the general question of Taiwan, they all referred back to the PRC section of the Shanghai Communique (published jointly with our own):The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of “one China, two governments,” “two Chinas” and “independent Taiwan” or advocate that “the status of Taiwan remains to be determined” [The “Shanghai Communique,” February 27, 1972].


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
WEIJIE HOU ◽  
BAISHENG CUI ◽  
YUPING SONG ◽  
YING CHEN

Along with the international trade and economic ties, international stock markets are performing increasingly closely. This paper investigates the volatilities and the return co-movements among three stock markets in mainland China, Hong Kong, and the United States, from January 1, 2007, to July 5, 2019. We use the MIDAS framework to separately characterize short-term and long-term features. The results reveal that different market volatilities have different sensitivities to the same events. After the second half of 2016, the volatility of China’s stock market gradually dropped below that of the other two markets. As for market co-movements, the return correlation between China and Hong Kong rose sharply after 2007. Although the co-movements for return rates among these three stock markets possess mutual dynamic synchronization features, deviations exist occasionally due to the emotional transfer of funds in the international market when a significant economic or financial event occurs. The analysis suggests that countries should stabilize the financial investment environment and guard against hot money activities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-215
Author(s):  
Minchao Hua

This paper lays out the perceptions of three different regions to describe Chinese perspectives on the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. Mainstream newspapers, cyber-opinions, and scholarly writings are three vectors to assess Mainland Chinese perception. Considering the limited number of academic reports about the referendum in Taiwan and Hong Kong, compared to that on the mainland, our conclusion about their perceptions is primarily based on mainstream newspapers. The article identifies two ideologically opposed perspectives. On the one hand, the dominant view in Mainland China (and in mainstream newspapers in Hong Kong and Taiwan) framed the referendum in negative terms, presenting it as a ‘threat’ and a ‘problem’. On the other hand, the dominant view in Hong Kong and Taiwan praised the Scottish referendum as a model of participatory democracy. These contrasting perspectives are deeply rooted in distinctive ideologies and historical experiences.


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