Law Policy Reformulation of Death Sentence in Positive Penal Law Based on Pancasila Values

Author(s):  
Ira Alia Maerani ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Boufaris Salaheden H Belkasem

تهدف الدراسة إلى التعرف على مفهوم عقوبة الإعدام واستكشاف الحالات التي يجب الحكم فيها بالإعدام. وتكمن مشكلة الدراسة إلى استناد القانون الليبي في نصوصه إلى الشريعة الإسلامية. وتبرز أهمية الدراسة في تسليط الضوء على نصوص القانون الليبي والشريعة الإسلامية. وتتمحور أهداف الدراسة في تبيان مفهوم عقوبة الإعدام في القانون الليبي والشريعة الإسلامية وإيضاح الجرائم التي يستلزم فيها تطبيق عقوبة الإعدام في القانون الليبي والشريعة الإسلامية. واتبعت الدراسة المنهج الإستقرائي لإستقراء نصوص الشريعة الإسلامية والقانون الليبي. كما اتبعت المنهج التحليلي لتحليل نصوص القانون الليبي في تطبيق عقوبة الإعدام. ولقد توصلت الدراسة إلى العديد من النتائج من بينها أن الشريعة الإسلامية هي المصدر الرئيسي للتشريع. كما أن القانون الليبي لايمكنها أن تتخلى عن تطبيق عن تطبيق عقوبة الإعدام في نظامها العقابي. ولقد أوصت الدراسة بضرورة إعادة تبويب وتصنيف القانون الليبي بما يسمح من توضيح نصوص القانون الليبي في عقوبة الإعدام. Abstract The purpose of the study is to determine the idea of the death penalty and research of the cases where the death sentence might be regulated. The predicament of the research, the Libyan law is based on the Islamic Shariah law, so it relies on the information according to Shariah. So, it signified both the Libyan law and Islamic Shariah. The research also recognized the systematic procedure to analyze the topics of the Libyan law about the execution of the death penalty. The study resolved from the conclusions that the Shariah is the main source of authorization to legalize the death penalty in the Libyan regulatory system. The study also revealed that the death penalty in Libya is under penal law so there is no possibility to surrender once the death penalty is legalized by the court. So, the study recommends that the Libyan law is required to amend in regards to the death sentence.  


Derrida Today ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-239
Author(s):  
Lynn Turner

While it is Derrida's late work on the ‘animal question’ that brought his insistence on limitrophy between species to wider attention, it is also named as the general condition of the limits in the much earlier text, ‘Tympan’. There, in dislocating the tympanum, the margins of philosophy are eaten. Equally, given the rhythmic address of the tympanum, we might say that the margins of philosophy are beaten. This paper considers the persistent play on rhythmic sounds in Lars von Trier's Dancer in the Dark as a ‘tympanising’ or derision of the limits, notably of the limits of the law in both juridical and symbolic senses, as they also work the edges of the film's two styles (broadly, realism and musical). In a provocative analysis of this film, Cary Wolfe suggests that we might understand Selma's vocal style (given singular expression by Bjork) as a refusal of the phallic imposition of language, and that her virtually suicidal submission to the death sentence allows for a notion of a ‘posthuman feminine’. ‘Tympan Alley’ redirects this tantalising term ‘posthuman feminine’ through a more consistently Derridean line of thought to sound out the implications of b/eating the limits through Selma's oblique ear.


Author(s):  
Aleksey E. Shishkin

Relevance. The market-imposed system of consumerism overstepped the boundaries of bifurcation and entered into “legitimate rights” to abolish the living traditional world, thereby disturbing the balance in society and thereby signed the death sentence to itself. The problem of research. Exploring the possibilities of social reloading from consumerism to communitarianism to restore the balance of power in society. Scientific novelty and research results. Our novelty of research lies in the application of scientific tools to analyze a possible reload. We used the complementarity principle of N. Bohr, the principle of spontaneous emergence of I. Prigogine, the principle of incompatibility L. Zade, the principle of managing uncertainties, the principle of ignorance of individual opinions and collective ideas, the principle of conformity, the principle of diversity of development of a complex system, the principle of unity and mutual transitions, the principle oscillatory (pulsating) evolution – showed instability in the management of society by mondialist-compradors and a possible countdown of the transition from the sensual age to the ideation nnuyu, and in our case – from consumerism to communitarianism. The main purpose of the work. From the apparent modern triumph of consumerism over communitarianism, we are not interested in a fact-problem, but in the idea of transforming reality that can stop the process of obscuration. Discussion and Conclusion. In the Middle Ages, during the construction of the project “Holy Russia”, communities were created according to the principle of “big”. Around the devotee of piety, voluntary monastic settlements were created, which grew into suburbs. Of these, the ascetic-hesychast stood out, who went into the forest and chopped down a new temple. To the righteous people flocked, yearning for a just life. This is how a new community was created. There was a new prayer book and then the big man blessed him to organize other settlements. The state should be interested in finding new forms of solutions for educational, economic, technical, cultural and food programs, therefore the initiative of communitarianists should not be punished, but supported. Today, foreign investors are becoming owners of not only factories, but even entire branches of domestic industry and are able to significantly influence domestic politics in our country. The growing number of immigrants as a destabilizing factor is becoming increasingly important. In such a situation, the fate of the country depends on the ability of the people to a new unification. It is necessary to unite on the basis of religious and cultural traditions on the principle of professional fraternities; if only there would be more centers of spiritual culture, but not by the principle of quantity, as is always the case with officials, but by the qualitative qualification of the “big man” as a center of creative and integrative power. From the foregoing, the idea of building ideational (communitarian) cohorts is born, which, through their ascetic life and creative work, should set a new vector for historical development (“salt”) consumer society.


2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus D. Dubber
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-39
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Indien men de geschiedenis van de strafrechtelijke repressie van het Vlaamse activisme na de Eerste Wereldoorlog ten gronde wil bestuderen, moet men niet alleen de parlementaire verklaringen, de gerechtelijke statistieken en de kranten omrent die repressie raadplegen, maar vooral de gerechtelijke archieven uitpluizen die deze repressie heeft nagelaten. In dit artikel wordt dit voor de eerste keer gedaan voor de Vlaamse activisten die door de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger werden veroordeeld. Die krijgsraad te velde kreeg tussen 19 november 1918 en 13 mei 1919 het monopolie van de bestraffing van zowel burgeractivisten als militaire activisten en behield dit monopolie tussen 14 mei 1919 en 30 september 1919 voor de militaire activisten. Na deze laatste datum werden de Vlaamse burgeractivisten vervolgd voor de provinciale Assisenhoven en de militaire activisten voor de provinciale krijgsraden.Het krijgsauditoraat van het Groot Hoofdkwartier vervolgde uiteindelijk 689 gewone burgers en 105 militairen voor (Vlaams en Waals) activisme (inbreuk op artikel 104, 115, lid 5 en 118bis van het Belgische strafwetboek). Hiervan moesten er zich uiteindelijk slechts drieëndertig Vlamingen (26 burgers en 7 militairen) verantwoorden voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier. Vier van hen werden vrijgesproken en negenentwintig tot een straf veroordeeld. De hoogste straf was een doodstraf, die in hoger beroep werd omgezet in een buitengewone hechtenis van twintig jaar. De laagste straf bestond uit een gevangenisstraf van twee jaar. Onder de veroordeelde burgers waren er twee die deel hadden uitgemaakt van de tweede Raad van Vlaanderen en twee die de Duitsers hadden benoemd in de door hen opgerichte Vlaamse administratie. Alle andere waren plaatselijke propagandisten van het Vlaamse activisme. De zeven militairen waren allen verdacht van activisme in het bezette België tijdens de zes laatste maanden van de oorlog. Drie van hen waren vanuit het Frontgebied naar het bezette gebied overgelopen en drie andere genoten van een vervroegde terugkeer uit een krijgsgevangenenkamp in Duitsland waar ze zich ook al maanden voor de Vlaamse zaak hadden ingezet.________The day of reckoning. Flemish activists court-martialled at the Main Headquarters of the Army (23 January until 30 June 1919)In order to carry out a thorough study of the history of the criminal repression of Flemish activism after the First World War, you need to consult not only the parliamentary declarations, the legal statistics and the newspapers on the subject, but more in particular research the court records reporting on that repression. This article is the first to study the Flemish activists who were sentenced by the court-martial at the Main Headquarters of the Army. From 19 November 1918 until 13 May 1919 that field court-martial was given the monopoly of prosecuting both civilian and military activists and it retained this monopoly for the prosecution of military activists between 14 May 1919 and 30 September 1919. After the latter date the Flemish civilian activists were prosecuted by the provincial Assize Courts and the military activists by the provincial court-martials.  Eventually the military tribunal of the Main Headquarters prosecuted 689 civilians and 105 military on the basis of (Flemish and Walloon) activism (infringement of article 104, 115 paragraph 5 and 118bis of the Belgian Criminal Code). Finally only 33 Flemish (26 civilians and 7 military) had to account for their actions in front of the court-martial of the Main Headquarters. Four of them were acquitted and twenty-nine were sentenced. The most severe penalty was a death sentence, which was converted on appeal to an exceptional imprisonment of twenty years. The most lenient penalty was two years imprisonment. Two of the convicted civilians had been part of the Second Council of Flanders and two of them had been appointed by the Germans to be part of the Flemish administration they had established. All the others had been local propagandists of Flemish activism. The seven military had all been suspected of activism in occupied Belgium during the last six months of the war. Three of them had deserted from the Frontline to the occupied territory and three others had been granted an early return from a prisoner of war camp in Germany where they also had dedicated themselves for months to the Flemish cause. 


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