Possible Futures of Political Leadership: Waiting for a Transformational Prime Minister

Japan ◽  
1953 ◽  
pp. 282-303
Author(s):  
Ellis S. Krauss ◽  
Robert J. Pekkanen
1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-291
Author(s):  
James Lightbody

Modestly impressive by its lack of mention both in a recent examination of the political leadership of the prime minister and the more traditional texts of the Canadian political process, is serious notice of environmental limitations on the prime ministerial prerogative in dissolving the Legislative Assembly and announcing a general election.


Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 799-821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomohito Shinoda

Abstract With the establishment of the DPJ government, Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio introduced a series of institutional changes in order to transform the existing bureaucracy-controlled government and to establish political leadership. These changes, however, created instability and irregularity in Japanese politics. As a result, they were reversed by his successors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Bella Aprilia ◽  
Florencia Maria Surya ◽  
Mentari Svarna Pertiwi

 ABSTRAK                COVID-19 merupakan salah satu permasalahan global yang sedang dihadapi oleh banyak negara di seluruh dunia. Selain menyebabkan krisis kesehatan internasional, pandemi COVID-19 juga mengancam dinamika kehidupan masyarakat secara luas, baik itu di tingkat lokal, regional, hingga internasional. Tak hanya memberikan ancaman multidimensional, besarnya dampak yang diakibatkan oleh pandemi ini juga turut menguji kepemimpinan para pemimpin negara dalam mengendalikan rantai penyebaran COVID-19 secara efektif. Lebih jauh, berbagai pihak pun mengaitkan kesuksesan seorang pemimpin negara melalui kacamata gender. Pasalnya, terdapat stigmatisasi pada karakteristik perempuan yang kerap kali dianggap tidak mumpuni untuk memimpin dan membuat keputusan secara rasional. Dengan menggunakan perspektif feminisme, tulisan ini akan membahas bagaimana karakteristik feminitas dan maskulinitas yang tercermin dalam preferensi kebijakan Kanselir Jerman Angela Merkel, Perdana Menteri Selandia Baru Jacinda Ardern, dan Presiden Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen, secara efektif dapat mengendalikan penyebaran COVID-19 dan pemulihan kondisi multidimensi negara. Keberhasilan ketiga pemimpin perempuan dalam menangani COVID-19 ini menunjukkan adanya perspektif baru dalam kepemimpinan politik yang tidak dapat dibatasi oleh stigma gender terhadap kemampuan perempuan. Kata Kunci: pemimpin perempuan; kepemimpinan politik; pandemi COVID-19; feminisme; kebijakan publik ABSTRACTCOVID-19 is a global problem that is being faced by many countries around the world. Apart from causing an international health crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic also threatens the dynamics of people's lives, be it at the local, regional, and international levels. Not only provide a multi-dimensional threat, but the impact caused by this pandemic also tests the leadership of state leaders in controlling the spread of COVID-19 effectively. Furthermore, various parties try to associate the success of a state leader through a gender perspective. This is due to the stigmatization of women's characteristics who are often considered incompetent to lead and make rational decisions. With a feminist perspective, this paper will discuss how the characteristics of femininity and masculinity reflected in the policy preferences of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, and Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, can effectively control the spread of COVID-19 and multi-dimensional recovery of the country. The success of the three female leaders in dealing with COVID-19 shows a new perspective in political leadership that cannot be limited by gender stigma on women's abilities.


Author(s):  
Tomohito Shinoda

Long into the postwar period, the policymaking power of the Japanese prime minister was limited. The cabinet’s collective responsibility did not allow him to control the executive branch independently from the cabinet. The Cabinet Law divided the executive power among cabinet ministers, allowing the sectionalism that developed among different ministries. As a result, a bureaucratic supremacy developed in the policymaking process. The long-time governing party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), also developed a decentralized, bottom-up policymaking structure. As a result, the prime minister had difficulty exercising strong leadership in government decision-making. This situation changed after the 1994 electoral reform, which encouraged Diet members to become policy generalists and weakened the influence of the LDP policy subcommittees. Further, the administrative reform efforts under the Ryūtarō Hashimoto cabinet strengthened the authority of the prime minister and his cabinet. Benefiting from these institutional changes, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi introduced a top-down policymaking process. The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) governments in 2009–2012 tried to further strengthen political leadership in policymaking. However, instead of political leadership, they created a weak bureaucracy with lowered moral. During the second Shinzō Abe government, the prime minister successfully established the cabinet-led policymaking system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 318-359
Author(s):  
John Echeverri-Gent ◽  
Kamal Sadiq

Echeverri-Gent and Sadiq investigate the implications of the Rudolphs’ scholarship for the challenges of contemporary Indian politics. They contend that two of the Rudolphs’ most seminal, but contradictory, contributions help explain India’s transformational change under Narendra Modi and the National Democratic Alliance government. The authors apply the Rudolphs’ contentions that India’s social pluralism produces centrist politics and their innovative study of transformational political leadership to the 2014 and 2019 general elections and the NDA government. They show how the multilayered nature of Modi’s political leadership enables the prime minister to accommodate the forces of centrism while transforming India’s political mainstream. They show how the ascendance of Modi has simultaneously positioned the BJP at the centre of India’s political system while transforming Indian democracy in majoritarian and illiberal directions.


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