Sino–US Trade War: A Mini Review on Latin American Involvement

This article is written to summarize what has been going on in trade war between the United States and China and to express how this war affects trade relations of Latin America with both of the actors being involved in the trade war. The reason why Latin America is chosen as a region to work on rests on the fact that both the United States and China have been conducting considerable trade relations with the region. This article is organized to analyze what kind of a position Latin America would be at during the upcoming moves from two giants and how the region should revise its ties with both economies considering the past relations it has had with before this trade war emerged. There have been many moves taken by the United States and China after the dispute started to show up; however, Latin America has been conducting considerable relations in terms of trade, politics, historical orientation, and geographical ties with both giants since long before the trade dispute began. Therefore, this article has an aim to recover the historical trade relations of Latin America and to have some clues to determine what can come next for the region’s economic position and trade relations. Colonial past of the region, the role it has played during the Cold War, the involvement of the Latin America in trade relations with China, and Chinese presence in the region are the factors that are included in the article to understand the critical position of Latin America in the Sino–US trade war.

Download Full-text

Marinera with the Yankees

Haya de la Torre and the Pursuit of Power in Twentieth-Century Peru and Latin America ◽

10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636573.003.0004 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 91-124

Author(s):

Iñigo García-Bryce

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Cold War ◽

Latin American ◽

State Department ◽

The United States ◽

Political Asylum ◽

Student Leader ◽

The Cold War ◽

The U.S

This chapter explores Haya’s changing relationship with the United States. As an exiled student leader he denounced “Yankee imperialism” and alarmed observers in the U.S. State Department. Yet once he entered Peruvian politics, Haya understood the importance of cultivating U.S.-Latin American relations. While in hiding he maintained relations with U.S. intellectuals and politicians and sought U.S. support for his embattled party. His writings increasingly embraced democracy and he maneuvered to position APRA as an ally in the U.S. fight fascism during the 1930s and 40s, and then communism during the Cold War. The five years he spent in Lima’s Colombian embassy awaiting the resolution of his political asylum case, made him into an international symbol of the democratic fight against dictatorship. He would always remain a critic of U.S. support for dictatorships in Latin America.

Download Full-text

Latin American Trade Relations

Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs ◽

10.2307/166497 ◽

1997 ◽

Vol 39 (1) ◽

pp. 71-83

Author(s):

Shirley Christian

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Latin America ◽

World War Ii ◽

Latin American ◽

The United States ◽

World War ◽

Trade Relations ◽

The Us ◽

The Moment ◽

The Cold War

There has always been a certain attitude in Washington having to do with Latin America. It is that Latin America is not quite a grown-up place and, therefore, is worthy of intense US interest only when the region, or part of it, falls into a crisis that crosses paths with one of the US hot-button issues of the moment: drugs, immigration, human rights, communism (until recently) and, farther back, fascism. In other words, Latin America has been worthy of attention only when the United States decided to “do good” (e.g., human rights crusades), incorporate the region into efforts at solving US domestic problems (e.g., drugs), or needed firm support from the region in some international effort (e.g., the Cold War and World War II).

Download Full-text

The Americas in the Trans-Pacific Partnership

Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics ◽

10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1514 ◽

2019 ◽

Author(s):

Rubrick Biegon

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Free Trade ◽

Latin American ◽

The United States ◽

Asia Pacific ◽

Washington Consensus ◽

New Wave ◽

Foreign Economic Policy ◽

The Cold War

Following the end of the Cold War, the hegemony of the United States in Latin America was intimately related to the globalization of the hemispheric political economy. Free-trade agreements (FTAs) were crucial to this process, helping to extend and entrench the neoliberal model. As a result of the region’s political turn to the left during the 2000s, however, the Washington Consensus became increasingly untenable. As U.S. trade policy subsequently moved in the direction of a “post-Washington Consensus,” the “Pink Tide” fostered the creation of Latin American-led approaches to integration independent of the United States. In this context, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was designed to catalyse a new wave of (neo)liberalization among its 12 participating countries, including the United States, Canada, Chile, Peru, and Mexico. The TPP codified an updated and comprehensive set of rules on an array of trade and investment disciplines not covered in existing agreements. Strategically linking the Asia-Pacific to the Americas, but excluding China, the TPP responded to China’s growing economic presence in Asia and Latin America. Largely a creation of U.S. foreign economic policy, the United States withdrew from the TPP prior to its ratification and following the election of Donald Trump as U.S. president. The remaining 11 countries signed a more limited version of the agreement, known as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which is open to future participation by the United States and other countries in Asia and Latin America. The uncertainties in the TPP process represented the further erosion of Washington’s “free trade” consensus, reflecting, among other things, a crisis of U.S. hegemony in the Americas.

Download Full-text

From the Cold War to the Cruelty of Violence: Jean Franco's Critical Trajectory from The Decline and Fall of the Lettered City to Cruel Modernity

PMLA ◽

10.1632/pmla.2016.131.3.701 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 131 (3) ◽

pp. 701-710

Author(s):

Arturo Arias

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Cold War ◽

Latin American ◽

The United States ◽

Central Intelligence Agency ◽

Intelligence Agency ◽

Lettered City ◽

The 1960S ◽

The Cold War

The Cuban Revolution Generated a New Communist Paranoia in the United States. Interest in Latin America Grew Dramatically after Castro's rise to power in 1959 and was partly responsible for the explosive growth in the number of scholars specializing in hemispheric issues during the 1960s. Latin Americans, in turn, saw this phase of the Cold War as a furthering of imperial aggression by the United States. The Eisenhower administration's authoritarian diplomatic maneuvers to isolate Guatemala by accusing the country's democratically elected president, Jacobo Arbenz (1950-54), of being a communist and by pressuring members of the Organization of American States to do likewise had already alarmed intellectuals and artists in Latin America five years before. On 17 June 1954, Carlos Castillo Armas and a band of a few hundred mercenaries invaded the country from Honduras with logistical support from the Central Intelligence Agency in an operation code-named PBSUCCESS, authorized by President Eisenhower in August 1953. By 1 July 1954 the so-called Movement of National Liberation had taken over Guatemala. Angela Fillingim's research evidences how the United States officially viewed Guatemala as “Pre-Western,” according to “pre-established criteria,” because the Latin American country had failed to eliminate its indigenous population (5-6). Implicitly, the model was that of the nineteenth-century American West. As a solution, the State Department proposed “finishing the Conquest.”

Download Full-text

Ambivalent Solidarities

The Whole World Was Watching ◽

10.11126/stanford/9781503610187.003.0016 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 239-254

Author(s):

Brenda Elsey

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

The United States ◽

Cultural Exchanges ◽

Pan American ◽

And Gender ◽

A Site ◽

The Cold War ◽

Us Intervention

This essay examines the way in which the Cold War shaped the use of sport as a tool of diplomacy in Latin America during the 1950s. It focuses on the Pan American Games in Argentina, Mexico, and the United States. Cultural exchanges failed to dispel suspicion of US intervention; however, athletes shared experiences beyond diplomatic agendas. Recent research has examined how international events shaped participants’ understanding of national, racial, and gender identities. By focusing on women athletes, who historically occupied precarious positions as representatives of the nation, and examining interactions among Latin American delegations, we can understand the Pan American Games as a site of grassroots diplomacy.

Download Full-text

Beyond Orthodoxy: Asserting Latin America's New Strategic Options Toward the United States

Latin American Politics and Society ◽

10.1111/j.1548-2456.2011.00136.x ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 53 (04) ◽

pp. 127-146 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Roberto Russell ◽

Juan Gabriel Tokatlian

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

Latin America ◽

Cold War ◽

Latin American ◽

The United States ◽

First Century ◽

Policy Models ◽

Strategic Options ◽

The Cold War

Abstract This essay explores the possibility that Latin America may deploy new strategic options in its relations with Washington at the beginning of the twenty-first century. It starts by evaluating what have been the five major foreign policy models of the region with regard to Washington since the end of the Cold War. It proceeds by evaluating the recent dynamics of Latin American insertion into world affairs. Then it introduces three new alternatives for handling U.S. Latin American relations in the coming years. It concludes by pointing out the importance of understanding the scope of the hemispheric challenges for both the region and Washington.

Download Full-text

The United States and Latin America in the 1990s: Beyond the Cold War. Edited by Jonathan Hartlyn, Lars Schoultz, and Augusto Varas. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992. 328p. $39.95 cloth, $15.95 paper.

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/2944782 ◽

1994 ◽

Vol 88 (2) ◽

pp. 515-516

Author(s):

Kevin J. Middlebrook

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

North Carolina ◽

Latin America ◽

Cold War ◽

The United States ◽

University Of North Carolina ◽

Chapel Hill ◽

The Cold War

Download Full-text

The Epidemiology of Drug Promotion

International Journal of Health Services ◽

10.2190/h24y-5g12-42wx-q31v ◽

1977 ◽

Vol 7 (2) ◽

pp. 157-166 ◽

Cited By ~ 18

Author(s):

Milton Silverman

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Prescription Drugs ◽

The United States ◽

Corporate Ethics ◽

Social Responsibilities ◽

The One ◽

Global Company ◽

Latin American Countries

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.

Download Full-text

Imperial routes, national networks and regional projects in the Pan-American Highway, 1884–1977

The Journal of Transport History ◽

10.1177/0022526616654699 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 37 (2) ◽

pp. 129-154 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Rosa E. Ficek

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Latin America ◽

Latin American ◽

Cultural Difference ◽

The United States ◽

Government Officials ◽

Pan American ◽

National Networks ◽

Planning And Construction ◽

Regional Projects

This article discusses the planning and construction of the Pan-American Highway by focusing on interactions among engineers, government officials, manufacturers, auto enthusiasts, and road promoters from the United States and Latin America. It considers how the Pan-American Highway was made by projects to extend U.S. influence in Latin America but also by Latin American nationalist and regionalist projects that put forward alternative ideas about social and cultural difference—and cooperation—across the Americas. The transnational negotiations that shaped the Pan-American Highway show how roads, as they bring people and places into contact with each other, mobilize diverse actors and projects that can transform the geography and meaning of these technologies.

Download Full-text