trade dispute
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2022 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Kun Lu ◽  
Pierre Failler ◽  
Benjamin M. Drakeford ◽  
Qinyi Wang ◽  
Tong Liu

Author(s):  
Roman Petrov ◽  
Oksana Holovko-Havrysheva

This article examines the extent of the practice of resilience in the process of the implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA). Also, it analyses the main legislative and institutional tools promoting resilience of Ukraine’s market integration with the EU. Two cases are considered in this study. The first case is the launch of negotiations on the EU-Ukraine Agreement on Conformity and Acceptance of Industrial Products (ACAA). The second case is an EU-Ukraine Trade Dispute on Export Woods Ban. In both cases the EU institutions and Ukraine display a high degree of flexibility to pursue a policy of resilience to achieve a high degree of EU Internal Market rapprochement. In the case of Ukraine, the institutional mechanism of the EU-Ukraine AA remains unused as a forum to discuss effectively and to find solutions for impeding problems in the bilateral cooperation agenda. Therefore, a coherent, transparent, and effective institutional cooperation framework in the bilateral EU-Ukraine relations is still needed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107769902110494
Author(s):  
Louisa Ha ◽  
Rik Ray ◽  
Peiqin Chen ◽  
Ke Guo

This study examines the relationship between selective and cross-cutting/non-partisan media exposure, perceived journalism framing, and U.S. public’s perception of China and the United States during the U.S.–China trade dispute. A national survey of U.S. adult population indicated that more people perceived that the media escalated the conflict between China and the United States than promoted peace between the countries. Perceived peace journalism framing was positively related to perception of China, whereas perceived war journalism framing was positively related to perception of the United States. Partisan media use has higher influence on perception of the United States than perception of China.


Author(s):  
Dominic Köstner ◽  
Marcus Nonn

AbstractOn 1 December 2020, the Export Control Law of the People’s Republic of China entered into force. The PRC’s first comprehensive piece of legislation on export control had been passed by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on 17 October 2020 after a three-year legislative process. Regarded as one of the PRC’s key responses in the engulfing China-United States trade dispute, the law has attracted wide public attention. It has been described as “a new flashpoint in EU-China relations” posing “substantial challenges for European companies”. The compliance costs of European companies who have a direct or indirect trade relationship with China will likely increase as a consequence of the ECL and so does the legal uncertainty involved in doing business in and with China. The essay will examine the ECL’s background (1) as well as its legislative approach and key provisions (2). It will then attempt to gauge the ECL’s immediate impacts and project its potential future developments (3).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tao Chen ◽  
Chen Lin ◽  
Xiang Shao

This paper studies how globalization affects the corporate tax policies of U.S. manufacturing firms. Using U.S.-granting China Permanent Normal Trade Relations as a quasi-natural experiment, we find a significant increase in tax reduction activities for firms facing higher exposure to Chinese imports. The effect is more pronounced for firms with higher managerial slack. We also find that the effect is stronger for firms in less diversified products market and faster changing industries. We also show that U.S. firms facing higher Chinese import competition are more likely to engage in other tax-motivated activities: acquisition of subsidiaries in low-tax regions and suspected transfer pricing. Furthermore, we explore the 2017 tax cut and the recent U.S.-China trade dispute and find that firms engage less in tax reduction activities after the 2017 tax cut and after the tariff increase for Chinese imports. This paper was accepted by Kay Giesecke, finance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (20) ◽  
pp. 11322
Author(s):  
Ling-Yun He ◽  
Hui Huang

The main focuses of the Sino–US trade dispute are the issue of trade interests. If taking environmental costs into consideration, the trade interests are even more overestimated. There are different methods for measuring trade interests, and the results obtained under different methods differ. This paper uses the gross trade, value-added trade and value-added-in trade framework to calculate the economic gains and correspondent embodied pollution in China–US trade, compares the differences in results under different models and makes possible explanations. Our conclusions are as follows: (1) Traditional gross trade statistics have overestimated China’s economic benefits. The trade balance in gross trade was overestimated by 35% and 40% compared to the value-added trade and value-added-in trade. (2) China was a net exporter of embodied pollution and paid huge environmental costs from 1995 to 2011. (3) China’s exports are environmentally worse than the United States, and the calculation of pollution terms of trade proves that China paid a greater environmental cost for the same amount of economic benefits. (4) Different accounting frameworks have a great impact on the embodied pollution results at the industry level. Pollution based on value-added trade was more concentrated. The major polluting industries also changed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Yutaka Kurihara ◽  

The U.S.-China trade dispute occurred in 2008. It was an economic conflict lasting about two years. This study examined the stock prices not only the U.S. and China but also other economies. There results indicate that impacts of the trade dispute on stock markets including the U.S. are significantly positive, however, since China is one party of the trade dispute, there is some possibility that its stock markets faced a decline along with other stock markets. When the tensions on international trade from statements made by the U.S. or China increase, their measures carried over to other economies


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-251
Author(s):  
Ting-Hui Zhang ◽  
Chang Hwan Choi

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shi Qiang Liu ◽  
Xin Huang ◽  
Xiangong Li ◽  
Mahmoud Masoud ◽  
Sai-Ho Chung ◽  
...  

AbstractThe trade dispute between China and the United States (US) since 2018 and the global COVID-19 pandemic since 2020 has significantly impacted China’s economic development. As China’s energy sources heavily depend on imports, its economic viability is becoming more and more risky. This study proposes a novel conceptual framework, involving macroeconomic, industrial and geopolitical factors, to evaluate China’s energy security as a major player in the trade dispute. This study also provides a comprehensive strategy for policymakers to make better decisions on reforming renewable energy patterns to guarantee energy security and achieve geopolitical advantages. The PESTEL (political, economic, social, technical, environmental and legislative) and SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) analytical methods are applied to evaluate the factors and attributes of China’s energy development and energy security in the current background. The China-US bipartite game reciprocity model and the QSPM (Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix) analysis are conducted to assess which energy security strategy and policy are more suitable to deal with China-US trade dispute. To enhance energy security, China should diversify its energy supply chain, develop new sources of energy supply, advance the shale gas technology, popularise cleaner power-generation plants, increase nuclear-energy safety, introduce energy-conservation measures, promote alternative-energy vehicles, engage in international energy diplomacy, and rebuild international energy transaction and settlement systems.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chantal Braganza

The purpose of this research is to assess the effectiveness of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of Diversity of Cultural Expressions (CCD) as a trade instrument intended to protect local culture and cultural industries from free market influences. Much previous writing has pointed out flaws or weaknesses in its legal language and structure; few studies have been carried out on the way it has been cited and employed in actual trade negotiations and disputes. Through a recount of the its history, a close read of the original document of the CCD itself, and a case-study examination of two recently signed free trade agreements and a concluded international trade dispute, this research paper will show that the ways in which this nearly 15-year-old document has been employed does not quite live up to its intended purpose. Keywords: cultural policy, free trade, UNESCO CCD, culture and trade disputes, cultural diplomacy, CETA, CPTPP


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