scholarly journals Straightening History

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Kar Yen Leong

In the aftermath of the attempted 1965 coup, many dissidents, leftists, and suspected Communists were either ‘eradicated’ or incarcerated in prisons all over Indonesia. Since their release, these political prisoners continue to face state-enforced discrimination and stigmatisation. The marginalization of ex-political prisoners by both the state and local communities has continued through Indonesia’s democratic transition following President Suharto’s downfall in 1998. This is compounded by the presence of right-wing groups who continue to harass them, labelling them as neo-Communists inimical to the Indonesian body politic. Through direct engagement with former political prisoners, I aim to understand rehabilitative efforts through support groups. In preliminary interviews, many eks-tapol refer to the need to ‘straighten’ history. This discourse highlights their need to be recognized as ‘whole’ citizens of Indonesia. I explore the state’s struggle to address this dark chapter in Indonesian history, what it means to ‘straighten’ history and how eks-tapol engage with support groups to re-define their position within the community, denoting a strengthened sense of dignity and humanity. It is hoped that this research will contribute to efforts to understand and protect the rights of eks-tapol and other victims of political persecution in Southeast Asia.

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Antonio P. Contreras

This paper inquires into the implications of the different discursive imaginations on civil societies and the state from the perspective of the social sciences, particularly political science and international relations. It focuses on some interfaces and tensions that exist between civil society on one hand, and the state and its bureaucratic instrumentalities on the other, particularly in the domain of environment and natural resources governance in the context of new regionalisms and of alternative concepts of human security. There is now a new context for regionalism in Southeast Asia, not only among state structures, such as the ASEAN and the various Mekong bodies, but also among local civil societies coming from the region. It is in this context that issues confronting local communities are given a new sphere for interaction, as well as a new platform for engaging state structures and processes. This paper illustrates how dynamic are the possibilities for non-state domains for transnational interactions, particularly in the context of the emerging environmental regionalism. This occurs despite the dominance of neo-realist political theorizing, and the state-centric nature of international interactions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Feret

<p>The study has been devoted to showing the relationship between legal security and financial security at the local government level. To this end, firstly some consideration has been given to determining the meaning of the terms “security” and “financial security” from the point of view of the state and local government. In addition, it has been shown that financial security is inextricably linked to the financial power enjoyed by the state, specifically by the bodies acting in its name and on its behalf. The power resulting from this is the financial power of local government units, which is enjoyed by such units although to a limited extent. However, it has been found that even this scope of legal regulations limiting the possibilities of authoritative financial activities of local government bodies is of key importance from the security viewpoint of local communities.</p>


2018 ◽  
pp. 245-262
Author(s):  
Madhumita Biswal

Dichotomous view of state and local communities remains a dominant theme in the theorization of state. State often gets depicted to be mainly working on the basis of a rational principle as opposed to the irrationalities of the local communities. This chapter makes an attempt to understand how such claims about state takes an actual course while making available some of the basic needs like health services. It argues that gender and class bias remain inherent at the very structuring level of the health programmes. Further, the bureaucratic hierarchy of the state and the hierarchies of the local communities seem to converge on many occasions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Anthony Carr

This article explores the political economy of Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV) in Australia, providing new insights into the relationship between government policy and its economic implications. I have rationalised state-sponsored street cameras as a component in the cultivation of consent between the state and local communities; a mechanism for government to facilitate the flow of public funds to business through arrangements that are virtually unchecked and non-evidence based; a mechanism for government to facilitate profitable opportunities in and beyond the security technologies industry; and, a mechanism to normalise hegemonic social and political relations at the level of discourse. This article explores how government has assisted growth in the security industry in Australia. I draw on a case study about Kiama Municipal Council’s decision in 2014 to accept funding from the Abbott Government to install CCTV cameras through the Safer Streets Programme. This is despite historically low crime rates in Kiama and an inability to demonstrate broad support for the programme in the local community. This study reveals how politicians have cultivated support for CCTV at the local level and pressured councils to install these systems despite a lack of evidence they reduce, deter or prevent crime. Examined is how the footage captured on local council CCTV has been distributed and its meanings mediated by political and commercial groups. I argue that the politics of CCTV dissemination in Australia is entwined with the imperatives of electoral success and commercial opportunity—a coalescent relationship evident in the Safer Streets Programme. Furthermore, the efficacy of CCTV as an electoral tool in Australia is explained via the proposition that street cameras perform a central role in the discourses and political economy of the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaya Menon ◽  
Supriya Varma

In South Asia, local communities most often live near or amidst archaeological places. Their lives are in many ways framed and structured by these places. At the same time, these places too are impacted by the communities that live nearby. Archaeological sites in India are being destroyed at a rapid pace, due to increasing population and development pressures. This story gets further complicated by legislative practices of preservation related to monuments and archaeological sites, which are solely in the hands of the state through its institutions. It is this very act of protection that sometimes leads to conflict between the institutions of the state and local communities. At the same time, several archaeological sites have also survived due to local interests because they have been transformed into ritual spaces or are considered as ancestral places. Additionally, monuments have been converted into heritage hotels and have become an important means of livelihood for the families that own them. Thus, for protection to succeed, the critical intervention and involvement of local communities living in close proximity to monuments and archaeological sites is fundamental. Is it then education that can enable the survival of archaeological places? School education has the scope of involving and alerting children to their environs, whether it is the natural environment or a built one, and this could be a long-term solution.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Jacek Moskalewicz ◽  
Antoni Zielinski

The aim of this article is to trace the historical trade-offs between the State and local communities in shaping alcohol policies in Poland against the changes in more general political and economic backdrop. The article reviews relevant legislation and literature in the field since the 1920s and then discusses current legislation and policy documents, which apparently empower local alcohol action. It is argued that a shift from the State alcohol policies towards community-based initiatives is reinforced by the growing position of the market at the expense of the State powers. Public health approaches of proven efficacy are beyond the influence of local communities. They have no impact whatsoever on taxation. Availability control is rarely applied either as local preventive funds grow in proportion to the number of alcohol outlets. In this context, local alcohol policies tend to focus on school education on the one hand and on individual interventions in the field of family violence and severe addiction, on the other.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Guzenko

Communication between local governments and the public is an important component of democratic development of the state, formation and development of civil society and socially and politically active citizens. The Revolution of Dignity in 2014 activated the Ukrainian society, encouraged the emergence of new active local communities, which until then were almost not represented in the political life of the state and in fact were not involved in the process of preparing and making managerial decisions at all levels of public life. A breakdown in the established system of relations between local authorities and the public is taking place, which gives a powerful impetus to find the new models of interaction and active involvement in the decision-making process on local development of socially active citizens, public associations and social groups. In this context, the need to build an effective system of interaction and to provide local government with effective public relations, introduction of the European standards of communication “power-society” is extremely relevant, because they are the esssencial factors in legitimization of management decisions ensuring creation of conditions for real participation of the population in formation and implementation of state policy, especially in the field of local self-government. The article examines the issues of development of social institution of communication with civil society that is new for the Ukrainian society, state and local self-government bodies aimed at providing communication with local communities and creating conditions for their real participation in solution of local problems, specifying definitions, principles and rules of institutional analysis, working out the evaluation criteria system of efficiency of strategic models of communication with civil society that is used in local self-government bodies.


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